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W, G. PERRIN, Admiralty, S.W. 

SIR W. GRAHAM GREENE, K.C.B., Ministry of Munitions, S.W. 

to be distinctly understood that they are not answerable 
for any opinions or observations that may appear in the 
Society's publications. For these the responsibility rests 
entirely with the Editors of the several works. 


THE historian who sets himself the task of writing 
about the Elizabethan navy must inevitably 
centre his labours round the foremost of its 
seamen, Sir Francis Drake, and in like manner 
the naval history of the first two Stuarts can 
be written round the life of Sir Henry Mainwaring. 1 
In some respects Mainwaring was no unworthy 
successor of the Elizabethan hero, though owing 
to the fact that he did not take to the sea until 
after the peace with Spain, the same opportunities 
of glory and distinction did not present them- 
selves. To this may be attributed the circum- 
stance of his name having barely escaped oblivion, 
for no account of him is to be found in the 
Dictionary of National Biography. Had he 
been born a generation earlier he would have 
probably filled such another page in history 
as his brilliant compatriot. As it is, his career 
is typical of the sea-life of the first half of the 
1 7th century, and its significance as throwing 
light on a dark period of our naval history between 

1 With two exceptions, Mansell's Expedition to Algiers 
in 1620, and Cecil's Voyage to Cadiz five years later, this 
volume is entirely representative of the naval history of the 


the Spanish and Dutch wars cannot be over- 

The period in question was devoid of any 
really great naval operations, and it is chiefly 
due to this that it has not been a favourite 
one with writers of naval history. 1 Nevertheless, 
it was an epoch of considerable importance. It 
was, in fact, a period when many fertile seeds 
were sown a period of preparation when the 
bold bids of both the Dutch and the French 
for naval supremacy, awakened us from the 
comfortable feeling of security following on the 
naval reputation acquired in Elizabeth's reign. 

It is to this period that we owe the doctrine 
of the Sovereignty of the Narrow Seas, and the 
first attempt to create a standing navy to enforce 
that doctrine. For such is the significance of 
the ship-money fleets and of the reorganisation 
of naval administration, both by reforms in the 
Admiralty itself and by a process of unification 
under which the Cinque Ports lost their independ- 
ence. It was a great advance; not only did 
it set in motion the final departure from the 
mediaeval ideas of a navy the final supersession 
of the naval militia by a regular fleet but for 
the first time it proclaimed the doctrine of unity 
of command as the fundamental postulate of 
sound naval defence. 

Side by side with the birth of these essentially 
modern ideas there was a decided advance in the 

1 The most detailed accounts of the navy during this 
period are to be found in Sir Julian Corbett's England in the 
Mediterranean ; Mr. Oppenheim's History of the Administration 
of the Navy ; Mr. T. W. Fulton's Sovereignty of the Sea ; and 
Clowes' History of the Royal Navy, vol. ii. Since the completion 
of my own work there has appeared The Navy under the Early 
Stuarts, by Mr. C. D. Penn, a veritable mine of information. 


material and practical aspects of the naval art, 
which was nourished by the growing scientific 
spirit of the age. In naval architecture there 
was a definite breaking away from the traditional 
forms that, so far as is known, had lasted with 
little modification since early Tudor times. A 
similar movement in tactics can be clearly seen 
in the instructions issued to the ship-money fleets, 
in which appears the first groping after a tactical 
system the first attempts to handle a fleet as a 
whole in the manner in which the scientific 
soldiers of the time were developing the handling 
of armies. 

Finally, it was to the period of Mainwaring's 
activity that belongs our first attempts to exert 
diplomatic influence on the continent by opera- 
tions in the Mediterranean. With all these 
advances he was intimately brought into contact, 
but it was in the process of widening out the 
horizon of a national policy in the Mediterranean 
that he was probably most conspicuous. He 
was certainly one of the pioneers of political 
adventure ' within the Straits.' 

When James the First brought to an end 
the operations that had been carried on against 
the Spaniards since the days of the Armada, the 
livelihood of those who followed the call of the sea 
as privateers was seriously threatened. In the 
summer of 1603 a proclamation was issued recall- 
ing all letters of marque, which was followed two 
years later by another forbidding English seamen 
to seek service in foreign ships. 1 Up till then 
English vessels had found a plausible excuse for 
sailing armed to the Mediterranean and other parts, 
though their operations in most cases were not 

1 Corbett, Successors of Drake, 401-2, 


above suspicion. The pursuit was found to be both 
exciting and lucrative, and therefore they were 
naturally unwilling to abandon it for something 
more peaceful and less profitable. The result was 
that in spite of proclamations many of them con- 
tinued to scour the seas. The situation produced 
is thus ably summed up by a contemporary 1 : 

After the death of our most gracious Queen Elizabeth 
. . . King James, who from his infancy had reigned 
in peace with all nations, had no employment for those 
men of war, so that those that were rich rested with 
what they had ; those that were poor and had nothing 
but from hand to mouth turned pirates ; some, because 
they became slighted of those for whom they had got 
much wealth ; some, for that they could not get their 
due ; some, that had lived bravely, would not abase 
themselves to poverty ; some vainly, only to get a name ; 
others for revenge, covetousness, or as ill. 

Piracy was then a school for seamanship, and it 
is as a pirate that the first chapter of Mainwaring's 
sea-career opens. The circumstance does not 
appear to have been due to choice, and it was 
more by accident than design that he took to the 
' trade.' So diligently did he apply himself to it 
that he soon rose to a position as distinctive as 
it was unique, and, like Drake and Raleigh, he 
made himself the enemy of the Spaniards, to 
whom he proved a scourge and a terror. His 
reputation as a pirate was such, that ' for nautical 
skill, for fighting his ship, for his mode of boarding, 
and for resisting the enemy ' he was said to be 
without equal in England. Seeing then that as a 
result of the Spanish war the English Navy was the 
most renowned in Europe, it is no small wonder 
that Mainwaring's services were eagerly sought 

1 Captain John Smith, Works, 1884 ed., p. 914. 


after on the continent. Spain in particular was 
anxious to come to an agreement with him, and 
through her ambassador in England she offered 
Mainwaring a pardon and a high command if he 
would enlist his services under the Spanish flag ; 
but tempting as the bait was it failed to attract 
him, for the advisers of James were equally alive 
to securing the services of such men and also 
had offers to make. Mainwaring and his like 
were primarily patriotic and had little love for 
Spain. Without much difficulty, therefore, he 
was brought to see the error of his ways, and 
received a pardon and knighthood. 

Henceforth he devoted himself to his country's 
service and to an active ambition to rise in it. 
As a thank-offering he presented the King with 
his first literary effort, a ' Discourse ' on the 
suppression of piracy. James, who was highly 
impressed by Mainwaring's ability, having no 
appointment worthy of his acceptance at home, 
strongly recommended him for service under the 
Venetian Republic. The opportunity occurred 
during the year 1618, at a time when the Venetians 
were greatly alarmed by the warlike preparations 
Spain was making against them. In consequence 
they sought the assistance of James, asking him 
for a loan of some of his merchant shipping for 
the purposes of defence. Mainwaring being ' the 
first and foremost seaman that England possessed,' 
it is only natural that they should have solicited 
his aid regarding the hiring of suitable vessels. 
The command of this little squadron, the sailing 
of which ushered in the birth of England as a 
naval power in the Mediterranean, would have 
undoubtedly been given to Mainwaring but for 
the violent opposition of the Spanish ambassador, 
who saw in Mainwaring a formidable opponent. 


Accordingly he appeared at the Council table and 
strongly objected to Mainwaring serving a state 
that was hostile to the King of Spain. Not 
content with this, he actually sued him for 80,000 
ducats, that being the sum he estimated 
Mainwaring had taken from the Spaniards. By 
these and other sinister methods Mainwaring 
was prevented from receiving the command of 
the ships, though he was able to render con- 
siderable assistance to the Venetian Government 
by journeying overland to them, and placing 
his maritime knowledge at their disposal. 

As an exponent of the art of naval warfare 
he was far ahead of his time, and the paper which 
he drew up for -the benefit of the Republic on 
the relative fighting value of large and small 
ships is printed with other documents relating 
to the event in this volume. 

On Mainwaring's return he was given the 
important post of Lieutenant of Dover Castle 
and Deputy Warden of the Cinque Ports, a 
position which was then of considerable * nportance 
in naval affairs. This he held from j >2o to 1623, 
and whatever leisure the post afforded him was 
occupied in rescuing from oblivion the language 
of the sea, and preserving it for the benefit of 
future generations. 

His next employment was in 1623, when a 
squadron of ten warships was sent to bring the 
Prince of Wales home from Spain. In accordance 
with the custom of the time of appointing noble- 
men as admirals of a fleet, the command was 
given to the Earl of Rutland, though frequently, as 
in the case of Rutland, they were ignorant of 
naval affairs. The real seaman commander was 
found in Mainwaring, who, in the words of the 
King, was ' the first Sea-Captain of our Admiral's 


choice.' The good service Mainwaring rendered 
in this capacity certainly justified his appointment, 
and the account contained in this book of the 
journey of the fleet to and from Spain is believed 
to be the fullest that has yet appeared. At the 
time of the expedition to Cadiz in 1625 liainwaring 
presented a paper to Buckingham, then the Lord 
High Admiral, on the adaptability of Portsmouth 
as a naval base. In view of the important position 
that Portsmouth holds in the naval world to-day, 
this paper cannot fail to be of interest to the 
student of naval history. 

From 1626 to 1627 Mainwaring was actively 
engaged on the Naval Commission of Enquiry, 
and the documents concerning it that have been 
brought together in this volume help to throw 
an interesting light on the condition of the Navy 
at the time, and incidentally reveal some of the 
main causes of the failure of the expeditions of 
1625-6. In 1627 a fleet was despatched to the 
Isle of Rhe, and Mainwaring was fully occupied 
in surveying and hastening the various ships 
that were employed. A similar office was 
entrusted to him in the following year, when the 
two unsuccessful expeditions were fitted out for 
Rochelle. By Mainwaring's letters we are able 
to see the delays that were encountered in setting 
out a fleet during the Stuart regime. The lack 
of efficient seamen, the unwholesome condition 
of the food that was placed aboard ship, and the 
unseaworthy state of the ships themselves, were 
some of the difficulties that had to be surmounted. 

In 1629 Charles made peace with France, and 
the welcome truce was devoted to reorganising 
the naval arm and carrying into effect the reforms 
that had been suggested by the Commission two 
years previously. Mainwaring was not idle at 


the time, and he is found at the meetings of the 
Brethren of the Trinity House, participating 
in the various duties that came under the juris- 
diction of the Corporation. 

The next stage of Mainwaring's career brings 
us into touch with an important development 
in our naval policy, the inauguration of the famous 
ship-money fleets. With the exception of the 
first, which was sent out in 1635, Mainwaring 
saw service in all of them, and in those of 1639 
and 1640 he was appointed Vice-Admiral. The 
significance of these yearly naval demonstrations 
by Charles I has been treated at some length in 
this volume, and Mainwaring's evidence regarding 
the inefficiency of the fleet of 1636, and his 
account of the action between the Spanish and 
Dutch in the Downs in 1639, add to our knowledge 
of the naval history of the time. Complete lists 
of the ship-money fleets from 1635 to 1641 are 
given in this volume. Considerable time has 
been given to their compilation and, with the 
exception of those for 1635 and 1636, they have 
never been printed before. From these lists 
much interesting light is thrown on the early 
careers of seamen such as Batten and Popham, 
who afterwards achieved fame in the Parliament's 
service ; or who, like Mennes, Slingsby, and 
Carteret, lived to reap the reward of their loyalty 
to the King by being appointed at the Restoration 
to high administrative posts in the Navy. 

The condition of the seamen during the 
1 7th century was pitiable in the extreme, and 
the inhuman treatment to which they were sub- 
jected under the first two Stuarts had much to 
do in influencing the Navy to the side of the 
Parliament on the eve of the Civil War. A 
typical instance is given by Mainwaring when 


in command of the Unicorn in 1636. His ship, 
he tells us, was manned by ' men of poor and 
wretched person, without clothes or ability of 
body/ Of the victuals supplied the dry salted 
beef ' was blue and white mouldy/ ' One hogs- 
head of pork stank/ . . . Both the ling and 
haberdine were very bad, so much so that ' when 
it was boiled the men would not eat it, but threw 
it overboard/ The musty bread sent aboard, 
he informs us, ' caused a soreness of the mouths 
and throats of the crew/ When sick, the seamen 
had to be kept aboard, or if turned ashore they 
were in danger of starvation. To quote his own 
words, ' some have been seen to die upon the 
strand for lack of relief/ Wages were not forth- 
coming, and many of the seamen for want of 
clothes were unable ' to stand to their labours 
upon the deck, or to keep their watches in winter/ 

On the outbreak of the Civil War, Mainwaring 
took the side of the King, and his ship assisted 
in the defence of the last royalist stronghold in 
the west of England. After this he was attached 
to the suite of Prince Charles, and it was probably 
to Mainwaring that the Prince owed the foundation 
of that nautical knowledge which so distinguished 
him as Charles II. 

Now that the history of the iyth century 
is being re-written in the light of modern research, 
the personality of Mainwaring is slowly but surely 
emerging from the obscurity into which it has 
fallen. Sir Julian Corbet t in his ' England in 
the Mediterranean ' has written of Mainwaring's 
connection with -the Barbary corsairs 1 ; while 
Mr. Pearsall Smith 2 and Mr. Allen Hinds 3 have 

1 Vol. i. pp. 56-9. 

2 Life and Letters of Sir H. Wotton, vol. ii. pp. 471-2. 

3 Cal. of State Papers, Venice, 1617-9. 


thrown much light on Mainwaring's negotiations 
with the Venetian Republic. Mr. David Hannay, 
in his interesting volume entitled ' Ships and 
Men/ has taken Mainwaring as a typical pirate, 
and has also used and quoted Mainwaring's 
' Discourse of Pirates ' in a later book. 1 The 
' Discourse of Pirates ' was printed for the first 
time in the United Service Magazine of iQis, 2 
with an introduction by Mr. L. G. Carr Laughton. 

Sir Henry Mainwaring has frequently been 
confused with others of the same name, an 
error which is perhaps pardonable, when we 
consider the frequency with which the surname 
is met with in documents of the i6th and I7th 
centuries. 8 Besides being credited with com- 
manding a ship against the Spanish Armada, 4 
Mainwaring is stated to have served under 
Monson and Leveson on the coast of Portugal 
in 1602, as captain of the Dreadnought. 5 The 
late Samuel Smiles, however, is responsible for 
an error that is quite unpardonable, in describing 
Mainwaring as half-brother to the ill-fated 
Raleigh. 6 An incident of Mainwaring's career 
in 1623 has been immortalised by Ainsworth, 
and occupies some thirteen pages in that author's 
stirring romance, ' The Spanish Match.' 

Before completing this volume I had hoped 
to discover a portrait of Sir Henry Mainwaring, 
but after a fruitless search in many quarters I 
am convinced that none exist. 

1 The Sea-trader, pp. 235-42. 

2 November and December, 1913. 

3 Mainwaring always used the form ' Maynwaringe.' 

4 Chatterton, Sailing Ships, p. 198. 

5 Navy Rec. Soc., vol. ii. 335. The ship in question was 
commanded by Captain Edmond Mainwaring. 

Men of Invention, p. 43. 


In conclusion, there only remains for me the 
congenial duty of recording my gratitude to all 
who have assisted me in the preparation of my 
book, first and foremost among whom I must 
name Sir Julian Corbett. Not only has he read 
through the whole of the manuscript, but he 
has freely given me the benefit of his advice and 
criticism, a debt which I cannot too fully acknow- 
ledge. Mr. David Hannay and other gentlemen 
have also perused my book in manuscript, and 
whatever perfection it may have achieved it is 
due in no small degree to their kindly aid and 

Finally, I have to express my sincere thanks 
to Lieut.-Col. W. G. Perrin, O.B.E., for the 
interest he has taken in the preparation of this 
volume, and for his kindness in reading the proofs. 
His intimate knowledge of the period has enabled 
me to escape many pitfalls, and I cannot suffi- 
ciently thank him for the valuable assistance 
he has rendered. 


May, 1920. 





INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . vii 


SIR H. MAINWARING ..... xxi 

I. 1587-1616. ANCESTRY BIRTH PIRACY . . i 


III. 1620-23. THE CINQUE PORTS .... 69 

IV. 1623. THE SPANISH MATCH .... 91 
V. 1623-24. THE VOYAGE TO SPAIN . . . in 


REGIME ....... 130 


ROCHELLE ....... 163 

VIII. 1629-34. MARITIME REVIVAL . * . . . 205 

IX. 1635-36. THE SHIP-MONEY FLEETS . . . 226 

X. 1637-42. THE SHIP-MONEY FLEETS . . . 252 







1587. Birth. 

1599. Matriculates at Brasenose College, Oxford. 

1602. Receives his degree of B.A. 

1604. November. Admitted a student of the Inner Temple. 

1611. John Davies, of Hereford, writes sonnet to Mainwaring. 

1611. Grant (promissory) of the Captaincy of St. Andrew's 
Castle, Hants. 

1611. Commission from the Lord Admiral against the pirates. 

1612. Intends accompanying Sir Robert Shirley on his return 

embassy to Persia. 
(1612 ?). Puts to sea in the Resistance, under the pretext of 

plundering the Spaniards beyond ' the line.' 
(Between 1612-15). Plunders a French ship. 
1614. Seizes two ships belonging to Calais and Lubeck. 
1614. On the Newfoundland coast with five ships. 

1614. Mainwaring's name used as a decoy by Sir William 

Monson to capture a pirate's stronghold on the Irish 

1615. Defeats five of the Spanish royal fleet. 

1615. On the coast of Ireland with two ships. 

1616. Takes a ship belonging to Lubeck. 
1616. Receives the royal pardon. 

1616. Captures a ' Turkish pirate ' in the Thames 

1618. ' Discourse of Pirates' presented to the King. 

1618. March 20th. Knighted by James I at Woking, Surrey. 

1618. Gentleman of the Bedchamber to James I. 

1618. Sir Henry Peyton and Mainwaring try for the command 

of the fleet enlisted in the service of the Venetian 

1619. January. Offers his services to Venice. 



1619. February. Suggests to the King the loan of warships 
to the Venetians. 

1619. Returns from Venice. 
1620-3. Lieutenant of Dover Castle. 

1620. Letter on Sir Henry Wotton's poem to the Queen of 


1620. Member of the Committee of the Virginia Company. 
1620-3. Composes his 'Nomenclator Navalis,' or 'Seaman's 


1621-2. Member of Parliament for Dover. 
1623. Discharged from Lieutenancy of Dover Castle. 

1623. Appointed Captain of the Prince Royal, to fetch Prince 

Charles home from Spain. 

1624. Opposes Sir Edward Cecil as M.P. for Dover. 

1625. Suggests Portsmouth as a harbour for the fleet, and 

presents a paper on the subject to Buckingham. 
1626-7. Member of the Special Commission on naval abuses. 
1627. Brother of the Trinity House. 
1627-8. Helps to prepare the fleet for the expeditions to Rh6 

and La Rochelle. 

1629. Romantic wooing of a wealthy widow. 

1630. Presents discourse to Sir John Coke on the evils of allowing 

the French to fish at the So we. 
1630. Marriage to a daughter of Sir Thomas Gardiner at the 

' Topp of Paules.' 

1630. Master of the Corporation of Trinity House. 
1630. Petitions the King for a grant of the Island of Fernando 

do Noronha. 
1633. Death of Lady Main waring. 

1636. Report on the condition of the Navy. 

1637. Rear-Admiral. 

1638. Unsuccessful candidate for the Surveyorship of the Navy. 

1639. Vice-Admiral under Sir John Penington in the expedition 

to Scotland. 
1639. Meets the Spanish and Dutch fleets in the Downs. 

1642. Master of the Corporation of Trinity House. 

1643. Created a Doctor of Physic by Oxford University. 

1643. Helps in the defence of Pendennis Castle against Fairfax. 

1644. His 'Seaman's Dictionary ' published. 

1647-8. At Jersey with Prince Charles, afterwards Charles II. 
1649. At the Hague with Charles II. 

1651. Returns to England and makes a composition with the 
Committee for compounding the estates of the Royalists. 
1653. May. Death, and burial at St. Giles', Camberwell. 







To 1587, the year that witnessed Drake's daring 
exploits on the Spanish coast, the birth of the 
subject of this memoir may be assigned. The 
family a branch of the Mainwarings of Peover 
in Cheshire 1 migrated during the I5th century 
into the neighbouring county of Shropshire, and 
settled at Ightfield, some four miles south-east 
of Whitchurch. Among the brasses in the church 
of St. John the Baptist at Ightfield are two 
which record the names of members of the family 
who flourished at this period. The first, circa 
1495, is to Dame Margery Calveley, daughter 
of William Maynwaryng of Ightfield, and widow r 
of Philip Egerton, with four sons and four 
daughters beside her effigy. The second, circa 

1 The reputed founder of the family in England was 
one Ranulphus de Mesnilwarin, who came over in the train of 
William the Conqueror, and for his services received fifteen 
lordships in Cheshire, with that of Wabtirne in Norfolk 
(Ormerod, Cheshire, iii. 226). 


1497, is to ' The Good ' William Maynwaryng, 
second son of Hawkyn Maynwaryng and Margaret 
his wife, daughter and heir of Grffyn Warren of 
Ightfield. 1 

In a description of the banners of those who 
entered France, i6th of June, 1513, the following 
entry occurs : 

Sir John Maynwaryng of Ightfield bareth gold an 
Ass head haltered sable and a crescent upon the same ; 
and Rondell Maynwaryng his Petty Captain. 2 

In the early part of the i6th century Ightneld 
boasted an extensive park, and Leland in his 
' Itinerary/ undertaken in or about the years 
1535-43, mentions the following under Shropshire : 

Sir Richard Mainwaring, chief of that name, dwelleth 
a iii miles by east from Price (i.e. Press) village at a 
village called Ightfield, having a park and a great plenty 
of wood about him. 3 

A moated i5th or i6th century manor house 
at Ightfield is now a farm, and bloodstains are 
shown on the floor of a bedroom of one of its 
former owners a Mainwaring. 4 

During the i6th century various members 
of the family filled important posts in the county, 
and between 1504 and 1576 they supplied no 
fewer than seven sheriffs for Shropshire. 5 The 
last member to hold that office was Sir Arthur 
Mainwaring, 6 and by the marriage- of this Sir 
Arthur to Margaret, daughter and co-heiress of 

1 Haines, Monumental Brasses, ii. 178. 

2 Shropshire Visitation, ii. (Harleian Soc.). Sir John was 
Knighted by the King at Lille. 

3 Leland, 1910 ed., pt. ix. p. 17. 
1 Hare, Shropshire, p. 253. 

6 Public Record Office Lists, ix. 119. 
Sheriff also in 1562. 


Sir Handle Mainwaring of Peover, the two 
branches of the family once more became united. 
They had issue, three daughters and a son George, 
who eventually inherited the Ightfield estates. 
This son married Anne, second daughter of Sir 
William More of Loseley, Surrey, and was knighted 
in 1595. The More family were originally settled 
in Derbyshire, but in 1532 they purchased the 
Loseley estate, with its park of 200 acres. William 
More mentioned above was born on the 30th 
of January, 1520, and knighted on the i4th of 
May, 1576, in the presence of Queen Elizabeth. 
He sat in Parliament several times as member 
for Guildford, and was knight of the shire for 
Surrey, as well as sheriff of the counties of Surrey 
and Sussex. 1 That he was held in high esteem 
is proved by the fact that Elizabeth honoured 
him with her presence at Loseley on several 
occasions, and Sir John Oglander, who married 
a grand-daughter of Sir William, records that 
' the Queen was wont to come to Loseley to Sir 
William More's very often, whom she called her 
black husband.' z 

To Sir George Mainwaring and his wife were 
born four sons and two daughters. 3 The birth 
of the second son Henry took place, as we have 
seen, in stirring times, when the one topic of the 
day was the threatened invasion of England 
by the Spaniards. It was a period in which. the 
feeling of the country was violently anti-Spanish, 
and its influence on his subsequent career cannot 
be over-estimated. As a boy he prpbably 
paid frequent visits to his maternal grandfather 

1 Britton and Brayley, Surrey, i. 410-12, 
z Oglander Memoirs, ed. W. H. Long, p. 138. Sir 
William died 2oth July, 1600, being then in his 8ist year. 
3 See Note on the family in Vol. II. 


at Loseley, and as Sir William More held the 
important post of Vice-Admiral of Sussex, it is 
only natural to presume that he would have 
entertained his grandson with stories of the sea. 
We can picture young Mainwaring on these 
occasions, seated at the feet of his grandsire 
in the library at Loseley, eagerly listening to 
the heroic and daring exploits of the Elizabethan 
sea-dogs, expounded possibly from the pages of 
Master Hakluyt, whose ' Principal Navigations 
of the English Nation ' had just been given to 
the world. From that great ' prose epic/ and 
the personal reminiscences of his grandfather, the 
boy probably owed his infatuation for the sea 
and ships an infatuation which so distin- 
guished him in the years to come, and stamped 
him as no unworthy successor of his Elizabethan 

The rudiments of his education were probably 
received at the hands of a tutor, and, like the 
rest of his brothers, he was afterwards sent to 
Brasenose College, Oxford. The usual age for 
young men to enter either of the Universities 
was from fourteen to sixteen, but ' many parents,' 
to quote a contemporary, 

take them from school, as birds out of the nest, ere 
they be fledged and send them so young to the Uni- 
versity, that scarce one among twenty proveth aught 
... so these young things, of twelve, thirteen, or fourteen, 
that have no more care than to expect the next carrier, 
and where to sup on Fridays and Fasting nights : no 
further thought of study, than to trim up their studies 
with pictures, and place the fairest books in openest 
view, which, poor lads, they scarce ever opened, or 
understand not. 1 

1 Peacham, Compleat Gentleman, 1634 (reprinted 1906), 
P- 33- 


Mainwaring was certainly one of those to 
whom the first part of this criticism was applic- 
able, for, at the time of his matriculation, he was 
only twelve years of age. 1 

During the latter part of the i6th century, 
when Dean Nowell and Thomas Singleton were 
successively Principals of Brasenose, little is 
known of the social life of the college. The 
furnishing of the undergraduate's room was of 
the simplest character, and of comfort he knew 
little. 2 The top floors of the college were probably 
split up into dormitories, in which a student was 
often forced to share his bed with another ; while 
the lower chambers, about the year 1596, were 
reported ' dampish and unwholesome, being un- 
boarded.' 3 Even if the student had a desire 
for knowledge, the books in the library at this 
period were few. Mainwaring, however, was 
assiduous in his studies, and books were more 
to him than objects to be placed in ' openest 
view ' and seldom read. On the I5th of July, 
1602, after a residence of a little over three years, 
he received his degree of Bachelor of Arts. 4 

After leaving the University it was customary 
for young men to receive a short course of legal 
training, and in November 1604 Mainwaring was 
admitted as a student of the Inner Temple. 5 
About this time, or very shortly afterwards, 
he became a pupil of John Davies of Hereford, 
the most famous writing-master of his day, whose 
pupils were drawn from the noblest families in 

1 Brasenose Register, ' Matr. eq. 27 April, 1599, aged 12.' 

2 Buchan, Brasenose College, p. 45. 

3 Churton, Life of Nowell, p. 427. 

4 Brasenose Register. 

* List of students admitted to Inner Temple, 1571-1625, 
p. 97. 


the land, and whose skill in penmanship was 
said to have been unequalled. That Mainwaring 
was an apt pupil is proved by the fact that 
Davies, when he published his ' Scourge of Folly ' 
in 1611, inscribed the following epigram ' To 
my most dear pupil, Mr. Henry Mainwaring.' 1 

Your soul (dear Sir, for I can judge of sprights 
Though not judge souls) is like (besides her sire) 
Those ever-beaming eye delighting lights 
Which do heav'ns body inwardly attire ; 
For her superior part (your spotless mind) 
Hath nought therein that's not angelical ; 
As high, as lowly, in a diverse kind, 
And kind in either ; so belov'd of all. 

Then (noble Henry) love me as thine own, 

That lives but (with thy worths) to make thee known. 

While the more wealthy finished their education 
by making the grand tour, the adventurous 
spirits during the reign of James sought the 
profession of arms, and enlisted their services 
in the wars in the Low Countries. Probably 
Mainwaring was among the latter, and it is 
even possible that he was one of the 4000 English- 
men serving under Sir Edward Cecil at the siege 
of Juliers in 1610. At all events, Mainwaring 
must have qualified himself in some such capacity, 
for in June 1611 he was deemed sufficiently worthy 
for the post of Captain of St. Andrew's Castle, 
a fortress which then existed at Hamble Point, 
near Southampton. 2 Though promised the posi- 
tion, there is no evidence that he ever filled it, 
for in the same year he received a commission 
from the Lord Admiral to proceed against the 

1 Works, ed. Grosart, 1878. Davies had a house in 
Fleet Street about this time. 

2 S.P. Dom., James I, Ixiv. 25. 


pirates who were infesting the Bristol Channel. 
In the February of 1610 it was reported that 
Peter Easton, a notorious pirate, was hovering 
on the coast, and fears were entertained that all 
the shipping in the King Road, a roadstead at the 
mouth of the Avon, might be captured by him. 1 
This incessant plundering had driven the Bristol 
merchants to seek the aid of the Lord Admiral, the 
Earl of Nottingham, and from the State Papers of 
the period it appears that the Earl had promised 
them his personal assistance, but a few days 
afterwards granted the commission to Captain 
Mainwaring. 2 Nottingham was then in his 75th 
year, and was evidently of the opinion that the 
task required a younger man. What result 
attended the commission is unknown, but by 
this time it is clear that Mainwaring had developed 
an insatiable love for adventure on the high seas. 
There arrived in England during the following 
year a picturesque personality whose adventures 
at the Persian Court figured largely in the gossip 
of the day, and whose subsequent dealings altered 
the whole course of Mamwaring's career. This 
was Sir Robert Shirley, the youngest of the 
three famous brothers, who after spending several 
years in Persia had been sent by the Shah on 
a mission to Europe, to solicit the aid of the 
Christian Princes against the Turks, and to 
foster commercial relations. Shirley was hand- 
somely entertained by James I at Hampton 
Court, but was unsuccessful in his mission, and 
towards the end of 1612 preparations were made 
for his return. Such a swashbuckling adventurer 
could not fail to attract the youth of the time, 
and Mainwaring was one of those who were 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, Hi. 50. 

2 Ibid., Addenda, Oct. 1611 (Ixvi. 107). 


chosen or volunteered to accompany him on his 
return embassy to Persia. This occasioned his 
old tutor, John Davies, to write a farewell ode 
in his honour, which is inscribed thus : 

To my most dear, and no less worthily-beloved 
Friend and Pupil, Henry Mainwaring, Esquire, with the 
truly-noble and venturous Knight Sir Henry Thynne, 
accompanying, into Persia, the meritoriously-far- 
renowned Knight ; Sir Robert Shirley, Englishman ; 
yet Lord Ambassador sent from the great Persian 
Potentate to all Christian Princes for the good of Christen- 
dom. 1 

Heroic Pupil, and most honor'd Friend, 
to thee, as to my Moiety, I bequeath 

Half the other half ; beginning at mine end, 
to make (I hope) me triumph over death. 

My Son (sole Son ; and, all I ever had) 

unto thy Care and Service I commend ; 

So, make me sonless, till you make me glad 

with your Return from this World's further end. 

The Absence of so dear a Son as thou, 

must needs affect thine honor'd Sire with Grief ; 

But for thy good, he doth his grief subdue : 
so, doe I mine, by his, sith his is chief : 

Then, with my Son, take thou my Heart and these 

Celestial Charms, in Storms, to calm the Seas. 

There is evidence of Sir Henry Thynne return- 
ing in the ambassador's train, but not of Main- 
waring. It was originally intended that three 
or four ships loaned by merchant adventurers 
should accompany Shirley, but owing to a belief 
that the vessels would eventually be used for 

X 1 Muse's Sacrifice, Works, ed. Grosart, ii. It would 
appear from the above that Davies's son also accompanied 


piracy, the offer was withdrawn. The Spanish 
envoy in England sent word to his government 
that four ships had been fitted out to sail to 
Persia nominally, but their real intention, he 
wrote, was to go buccaneering to the Indies. 
Finally, an agreement was drawn up with Sir 
Henry Thynne, who undertook to provide a 
ship, the Expedition, of 200 tons, commanded 
by Captain Newport, 1 for the conveyance of the 
Ambassador and his suite, who embarked from 
Dover in January 1613. Thynne was evidently 
in the ship, as before the Expedition sailed, 
power was granted to him ' to use martial law 
in his voyage to Persia^ Had the merchant 
ships been hired, there is evidence to prove 
that they would have sailed under the command 
of Mainwaring. As it was, through the embargo 
placed on them by the Spanish Ambassador, 
Mainwaring eventually took to piracy, 3 and it 
is to this year that the birth of his career as a 
corsair may be assigned. He himself assured 
the King that ' he fell not purposely but by 
mischance into those courses/ but being in them, 
he strove to do all the service he could to the 

At this period the English pirates had estab- 
lished themselves at Mamora, at the mouth 
of the Sebu River on the Barbary coast, and 
their adventures in the Mediterranean will, as 
Mr. Bruce states, ' bear a good deal more investi- 

1 Captain Christopher Newport, born about 1565. In 
1592 he was captain of the Golden Dragon. Between 1606 and 
1611 he made five voyages to Virginia. He entered the 
service of the East India Co. in 1612, and died in 1617. 

2 S.P. Dom., James I, Ixviii. 104; S.P. Venice, 1610-13, 
666, 767; Shirley Bros. (Roxburghe Club), p. 81. 

3 See Wotton's account of Mainwaring on p. 50. 


gation.' l Many Englishmen furnished themselves 
with good ships, and took to the high seas and 
piracy, and among their ranks was found a sprinkling 
of the aristocracy. Sir Francis Verney, of the 
ancient Buckinghamshire family of that name, 
sold his estates in 1608, and went to Algiers to 
follow the ' trade.' 2 The calling, though fraught 
with considerable danger and daring, was found 
to be remunerative, and it became popular, if 
not strictly fashionable, to turn ' Turk ' and lead 
the life of a corsair. The ports of England were 
shut to them, but that did not prevent the 
English merchants from going to the Barbary 
coast to trade in secret. Many of the pirates, 
doubting their offences to be pardonable by law, 
renounced the Christian faith and embraced 
Mohammedanism, but Main waring to the last 
refused to take such a step. Chief among the 
corsairs Stow records the names of Captains 
Ward, Bishop, Verney, and Glanville. Ward, 
it is interesting to note, applied himself so dili- 
gently to the life, that he was enabled to erect 
himself a palace at Tunis, ' beautiful with rich 
marble and alabaster, more fit for a prince than 
a pirate/ and it was only eclipsed in magnificence 
by that of the Dey. 

In spite of numerous proclamations, piracy 
increased considerably during the reign of James I, 
so much so that ' nulli melius piraticam exercent 
quam Angli ' passed into a proverb. 3 Some of 
the pirates came home in 1611, upon the promise 
of pardon for life and goods, but the greater 

1 Verney Papers, ed. J. Bruce, viii.; also Corbett, England 
in the Mediterranean, vol. i. pp. 10-20. 

z He met a miserable end seven years later, dying in 
hospital at Messina. 

8 Scaliger. ' None make better pirates than the English. 


part took to the Irish coast, because they were 
only offered pardon for life. 1 Before the arrival 
of the Englishmen on the Barbary coast, the 
knowledge possessed by the Moors of naval 
matters was very trifling, and, according to one 
eminent authority, they ' knew scarce how to 
sail a ship/ 2 but by the summer of 1611 Sir 
Ferdinand Gorges reported that they were 
possessed of some forty sail, manned by 2000 


Details of Mainwaring's early operations at 
sea are wanting, but, from the evidence that 
is available, they were evidently fought under 
the guise of a privateer. To obtain the necessary 
licence did not present difficulties, for his ability 
as a seaman had already been favourably noticed 
by Nottingham, the Lord High Admiral, and, 
under the thinly veiled pretext of pillaging the 
Spaniards beyond ' the line,' he was allowed to 
sail. His ship, the Resistance, 4 though of small 
dimensions, was chosen on account of her speed 
and sailing qualities, and whatever she lacked 
in size was amply compensated for by the fact 
that she was well armed, and manned by a crew 
whose knowledge of the sea was second to none. 
From the first, Mainwaring's real intention was 
to carry on an indiscriminate warfare against 
the Spaniards, and ignore ' the line ' altogether. 
On nearing the Straits of Gibraltar he called 
his men together, and announced his intention 

1 Verney Papers, pp. 95-101. For an interesting study of 
the pirate, see Mr. D. Hannay's Ships and Men, pp. 39-55. 
z Captain John Smith, Works, 1884 ed., p. 914. 

3 Cat. S.P. Dom., July 5, 1611. 

4 Of about 1 60 tons. Built by Phineas Pett, the well- 
known shipwright, in 1604, and purchased by Mainwaring in 
July 1612 for ' 700 and odd pounds ' (Phineas Pett, ed. 
W. G. Perrin, p. 96). 


from that day onwards of giving fight to any 
Spanish vessel that chanced to cross his path. 
As a base he decided to use Mamora, the pirate's 
Mecca, for from this port he knew he could safely 
reckon on getting supplies and shelter when 
necessary. Lying in the track of the great 
Spanish carracks off Cape Spartel, he soon proved 
himself a scourge and a terror, for hardly a ship 
passed his lair without either suffering damage 
or capture. By this means he soon found himself 
at the head of a powerful fleet, crews to man which 
could always be found at Mamora. 

Before long Mainwaring's success in this 
new mode of life became so pronounced, that 
ere many months had passed he reigned supreme 
on the Barbary coast. The Spaniards had long 
consoled themselves that the spirit and daring 
of the old Elizabethan sea-dogs had passed away 
with the death of the Queen, yet here was a 
man whose every action was the embodiment 
of what they firmly believed had long since 
ceased to exist the very reincarnation of ' el 
Draque ' himself. Though a pirate, it was part 
of Mainwaring's plan of campaign to do all in 
his power for the welfare of his own country, and 
his reverence for the English flag is shown in all 
his actions. While at Mamora, he informs us, 
there were some thirty sail of pirate vessels 
using the port, but before he allowed any of them 
to sail, they had first to pledge their word not 
to molest English shipping. 1 One incident con- 
nected with his career at this period helps 
to illustrate the kind of warfare he carried on. 
He had overhauled and stopped two merchant- 
men bound from Lubeck and Calais respectively, 

1 Discourse of Pirates. 


with cargoes for a Spanish port. After taking 
what he required of their lading, he dismissed 
the ships, and left the crews to continue their 
voyage. As soon as the vessels entered port 
they reported their loss, and a complaint was 
afterwards lodged by a Galway merchant, 
Valentine Blake, that the goods taken out of these 
foreign vessels were his, and that they were 
consigned to his factor in Spain, Anthony Lynch, 
for sale. This was brought to Mainwaring' s 
knowledge, and he forthwith anchored off the 
port, and sent for the factor to come aboard 
his ship, in order to test the truth of Blake's 
statement. Having received satisfactory evidence 
that such was the case, Mainwaring immediately 
restored the whole of his plunder, which amounted 
to about 3OOO/. in value, in fulfilment of his 
promise not to molest English shipping, or 
cargoes belonging to English merchants. 1 
Though our merchantmen were immune from 
attack as far as Mainwaring was .concerned 
which was testified to by the merchants them- 
selves it was not so with those of Spain, and 
the ceaseless snapping up of their shipping soon 
struck terror into the hearts of the Spanish 
traders. In consequence numerous complaints 
were lodged at court concerning the depre- 
dations committed by Mainwaring, but the 
Spanish Government were at a loss to know what 
measures to take in order to satisfy their sub- 
jects. Finding that they were unable to capture 
Mainwaring and his comrades by fair means, 
they hit on what they thought would be an 
ingenious plan to bring about his downfall. It 
was this. Once in possession of his base they 

1 Cal. S.P. Ireland, 1614, No. 814. 


firmly believed his activities would soon cease. 
Accordingly they dispatched the Duke of Medina 
to Mainwaring, with a dish which was as tempting 
as it was diplomatic. ' If/ the Duke informed 
Mainwaring, ' you will deliver up Mamora to 
the King of Spain, his Majesty in return for this 
gracious favour will be pleased to bestow on 
you a free pardon and a considerable sum of 
money.' Then Medina went on to show how 
generous his catholic Majesty was. ' As for 
the pardon,' he pointed out, ' it has been drawn 
up on such benevolent lines, that it will enable 
you and your fellow corsairs to retain what ships 
and goods happen to be in your possession.' 
It was indeed a tempting bait, which might 
have drawn many smaller fish into the diplomatic 
net spread by King Philip, but not Mainwaring. 
As a final effort, Medina played his last card. 
' If you agree to my offer/ he informed Main- 
waring, ' his Majesty will esteem it an honour 
to offer you a high command in the Spanish 
royal fleet.' But still neither monetary con- 
siderations nor the various other alluring gifts 
that the Spanish Government were capable of 
offering an individual when it suited them, had 
any effect on Mainwaring, and the Duke of 
Medina returned to his King with his highly 
flavoured dishes untasted. 1 Nor was Spain the 
only continental state that was anxious to 
secure Mainwaring's services. The Duke of 
Florence also saw that such a man would be of 
inestimable value to him, especially as he (the 
Duke) was about to fit out a fleet of galleys to 
go privateering, for which purpose he had already 
enlisted the services of a French corsair. 2 There- 

1 Discourse of Pirates. 

2 Cosimo II, de Medici (Cal. S.P. Venice, 1613-15). 


fore he extended to Mainwaring the hospitality 
of his palace, and deputed a ship to wait on him, 
until such time as he thought fit to come in. 1 

These two incidents help to show the feeling 
with which he was regarded at -the various 
European courts. The boast of one of Main- 
waring's compatriots, 2 that ' he would not bow 
to one king, when he in a way, was a king 
himself/ equally applies to Mainwaring and 
pirate captains generally. Even on some parts 
of the Irish coast his name was almost a house- 
hold word the fame of ' valiant Captain 
Mainwaring ' holding an honoured place among 
the seafaring folk of that country. Certainly 
they were not over scrupulous in their dealings 
with pirates, and either by occasional visits 
himself, or incidents related by seamen who 
had met him, Mainwaring's notoriety became 
firmly established there ; so much so, that 
Sir William Monson was able to exploit his 
personality as a means of capturing others who 
adhered to the 'trade.' 

Though on the Irish coast a pirate was not 
openly dealt with, it was the custom of the 
' country people ' to treat privately with the 
captain for such victuals and munitions as he 
might require. The method adopted was this. 
Having ascertained the needs of a pirate ship 
that would be lying off the coast, a rendezvous 
would be arranged, and the required articles 
deposited there. The captain would then appoint 
several of his crew to go and bring them aboard, 
and for this purpose a small boat would leave 
the ship in the dead of night. Before returning 
with their cargo, they were expected to leave 

1 Discourse of Pirates. Peter Easton. 


on shore either goods or money equivalent to 
two or three times the value of their purchases. 1 
In 1614 Monson was sent on an expedition 
against the pirates, and after a fruitless quest 
in the Hebrides, proceeded to Broadhaven in 
Ireland, having received information that a 
sympathiser and protector of pirates, Cormat 
by name, resided there. With four ships in 
his company, Monson sailed, but meeting with 
heavy seas, his small squadron were soon scat- 
tered, and one of his ships eventually foundered. 
On the 28th of May he arrived at Broadhaven, 
the ' well-head of all pirates/ as he calls it, and 
coming to an anchor, he made choice of such of 
his company as had formerly been pirates, to 
give the least suspicion of his purpose. This 
precaution having been satisfactorily completed, 
Monson despatched them in a boat to Cormat, 
and ' took upon himself to be a pirate, and the 
name of Captain Man waring.' One of the 
' pirates,' who no doubt had been specially coached 
for the occasion by Monson, extolled the wealth 
that ' Manwaring ' had on board, and by way 
of proving his assertion, gave out how liberal 
he always was to those who courteously received 
him. The commendations and names of various 
other pirates were used to give colour to his 
oration, and the women folk, wide eyed and 
open mouthed, were deluded with stories to 
the effect that ' Captain Manwaring ' was on 
the best of terms with the various pirate lovers, 
and they had entrusted him with a veritable 
emporium of presents for distribution among 
them. At the moment, of course, they were 
on board ' Captain Manwaring's ' ship. The 

1 Discourse of Pirates. 


' gentleman of the place ' at first seems to have 
been suspicious of his visitors, and with a plausible 
excuse he absented himself, leaving his wife 
and daughters to entertain his unbidden guests. 
But this was not for long. The hilarity and 
good news attracted him, and his tongue became 
very fluent and voluble. Monson's plan bid 
fair to be a success. Cormat, after detailing 
the various favours that he had bestowed on 
sundry other members of the community of which 
he was an honoured member, expressed an ardent 
wish to be of service to ' Captain Man waring,' 
having a devotion for his person ! The next 
morning, as a fuller assurance of his fidelity, 
Cormat sent two men on board ' Manwaring's ' 
ship, to extend to him the hospitality of his 
humble abode. These ambassadors of peace, 
after delivering their master's greeting, were 
promptly put into irons by Monson, much to 
their chagrin and dismay. 

The time had now arrived for Monson to play 
his trump card, and after announcing that he 
was coming on shore that very day, three or 
four hundred men were ordered down to the 
water's edge to attend him. Three of their 
number waded through the sea up to their arm- 
pits, ' striving who should have the credit to 
carry him ashore.' Forthwith Monson was con- 
ducted to Cormat's abode, and one of the three, 
falling into discourse, ' told him they knew his 
friends, and though his name had not discovered 
it, yet his face did show him to be a Manwaring ! ' 
In short, they stated that he might command 
them and their country, and that no man was 
ever so welcome as Captain Manwaring ! Entering 
the house, Cormat's three daughters were the 
first to greet ' Manwaring.' The hall was newly 


strewed with rushes, and a harper played merrily 
in a corner of the room. Compliments were 
passed, and enquiries were made by the ladies, 
respecting their pirate sweethearts, while the 
two messengers who had been detained by 
Monson were suspected of ' drinking and frolick- 
ing in the ship,' as was the custom upon the 
arrival of pirates. A dance was afterwards 
given in ' Manwaring's ' honour, and Cormat, 
who was in high spirits, offered him the service 
of ten mariners of his acquaintance, ' that lay 
lurking thereabouts, expecting the coming in of 
men-of-war, 1 which he (Cormat) had power to 
command/ The offer was accepted, and with 
a promise of a reward for their services, Cormat 
wrote to his acquaintances in the following 
strain : ' Honest brother Dick, and the rest, 
we are all made men ; for valiant Captain Man- 
waring and all his gallant crew are arrived at 
this place. Make haste ; for he flourisheth in 
wealth, and is most kind to all men. Farewell, 
and once again make haste ! ' Monson himself 
took the letter, announcing his intention of dis- 
patching a messenger with it at once. Having, 
as he informs us, ' now drawn out of the country 
all the secret he desired/ he caused the music 
to cease, and began to address his pirate audience. 
He revealed his identity and mission, informing 
them that nothing now remained but for them 
to proceed to execution, for which purpose he had 
brought a gallows ready framed. Realising that 
their position was hopeless, he informs us that 
' their mirth was turned into mourning, and 
their dancing into lamentation/ However, 
Monson tempered mercy with justice, and after 

1 I,e. pirates. A man-of-war proper was always designated 
a ' King's ship ' or ' Queen's ship ' (Monson, Naval 
$cts, ed. Oppenheim, vol. iii. p. 63 n). 


keeping them four and twenty hours in irons, 
he released them, on receiving their promise never 
to ' connive again at pirates.' * 

In the meantime the real Harry Mainwaring 
was continuing his unchequered career on the 
Barbary coast, and was instrumental in making 
some sort of treaty with the Sallee Moriscoes 
whereby all Christian prisoners were to be released. 
Not only Morocco, but Tunis received him with 
open arms. The Dey, with whom he had ' eat 
bread and salt/ was particularly anxious to 
secure his services, and ' swore by his head ' 
that if Mainwaring would take up his residence 
with him, he should receive half shares in all 
prizes. Mainwaring, however, had no intention 
of becoming a renegado, and this and similar 
offers of entertainment were all refused. ' I 
preferred,' as he afterwards informed King James, 
' the service of my own country, and my particular 
obedience to your royal person,' than that of 
any other ruler. 2 

A favourite recruiting ground for the pirates 
was Newfoundland, for among the fishing fleet 
there they knew that both supplies and men 
were obtainable. Every spring fishermen from 
the west of England, the Low Countries, and the 
harbours of Northern Spain, Portugal and France, 
faced the dangers of the western seas, with its 
fogs and ice, to gather a harvest on the great 
fishing banks. The chief commodity of the island 
is its cod fishery, and to our ancestors, ' the 
discovery of the fishing grounds of Newfoundland 
was a veritable God-send, a piscatorial El-Dorado.' 3 

Hardly a season passed without some depre- 

1 Monson, Naval Tracts, III., N.R.S., vol. xliii. pp. 59-65? 
where the story is told at some length 

2 Discourse of Pirates. 

3 Prowse, Newfoundland, pp. 18-19. 


dations being committed on the fishermen, and 
Mainwaring himself resolved to try his luck at 
the ' Banks/ With eight good ships in his 
company (two of which were captured en route), 
he arrived among the fishing fleet on the 4th 
of June, 1614, and Sir Richard Whitbourne, who 
knew the island as familiarly as England, records 
meeting Mainwaring there in that year, while on 
a trading voyage from Newfoundland to Mar- 
seilles. Speaking of Mainwaring, Whitbourne 
writes : ' He caused me to spend much time 
in his company, and from him I returned into 
England ; although I was bound from thence 
to Marseilles, to make sale of such goods as I 
then had.' 1 What the reason was that occasioned 
Whitbourne to return direct to England, instead 
of carrying his merchandise to Marseilles, is far 
from clear. It is possible, however, that during 
the time he was detained in the ' company ' 
of Mainwaring, the latter had persuaded him to 
return to England, and negotiate a pardon for 
him, as Easton had done two years previous. 

Though Mainwaring arrived at the island at 
the beginning of the summer, he did not take 
his departure till the following September, and 
during that time he appears to have been par- 
ticularly active. His exploits for the period are 
fully chronicled in the ' Colonial Records/ which 
give a detailed account of the damage, &c., com- 
mitted by pirates from 1612 to 1621. The year 
1614 is recorded thus : 

Captain Mainwaring with divers other captains arrived 
in Newfoundland on the 4th of June, having 8 sail of 
warlike ships, one whereof they took at the bank, another 

1 Purchas Pilgrimes, 1626, iv. p. 1882, and Whitbourne, 
Westward Hoe (reprinted 1870). 


upon the main of Newfoundland, from all the harbours 
whereof they commanded carpenters, mariners, victuals, 
munitions, and all necessaries from the fishing fleet 
after this rate of every six mariners they take one, and 
the one first part of all their victuals ; from the Portugal 
ships they took all their wine and other provisions, 
save their bread ; from a French ship in Harbour de Grace 
they took 10,000 fish ; some of the company of many 
ships did run away unto them. They took a French 
ship fishing in Carboneir, &c., and so after they had 
continued three months and a half in the country, taking 
their pleasure of the fishing fleet, the I4th of September, 
1614, they departed, having with them from the fishing 
fleet about 400 mariners and fishermen ; many volunteers, 
many compelled. 1 

Although Mainwaring and Easton were un- 
questionably the leading corsairs of their day, 
no record is extant (as far as I have been able 
to ascertain) of any action in which they both 
took part, but their careers at this period appear 
so identical, that it may not be considered in- 
appropriate to dwell for a moment on that of 
the ' Arch- Pirate,' as Whit bourne styles Easton. 
The history of Easton is one of the most remark- 
able in the annals of piracy. As previously 
stated, in 1611 he was reported to have command 
of forty ships ; and in that somewhat free and 
easy time, with such a squadron fully manned 
and armed, a pirate was a personage whom no 
sovereign or state could afford to ignore. The 
following year saw Easton on the Newfoundland 
coast with ten ships well furnished and very rich. 2 

1 S.P. Colonial (America and W. Indies), i. 16 Mar. 1621 
(cited in Prowse, p. 103). This same record also gives an 
account of the plunder committed by Sir W. Raleigh's captains 
in Newfoundland, on their return from his last expedition. 

2 Purchas, iv. p. 1882, where the year is given as 1611, 
evidently in error, as Guy's statement points to the year 1612. 

22 5/1? HENRY MAINWARING 1587- 

John Guy, who was governor of the island 
at the time, helps us with details regarding his 
sojourn there. Until the iyth of July, Easton 
remained in Harbour de Grace, trimming and 
repairing his ships, commanding the carpenters 
of every vessel in the harbour to come to his aid. 
He also appropriated victuals and munitions, 
together with one hundred men to man his 
squadron. 1 

Whitbourne at this period chanced to be at 
the island, and Easton, as he tells us, kept him 
' eleven weeks under his command/ during which 
time he severely admonished Easton on the 
wickedness of piracy. Strange as it may seem, 
this lecture seems to have borne fruit, and the 
pirate finally entreated Whitbourne to return 
to England, ' to some friends of his, and solicit 
them to become humble petitioners to the King 
for his pardon.' 2 This Whitbourne undertook 
to do, though, as in the case of Mainwaring, he 
was bound on another trading voyage. With 
the offer of ' much wealth/ which was discreetly 
refused, Whitbourne started, claiming as a small 
recompense for his trouble the release of a ship 
belonging to Fowey, Cornwall. In order to learn 
the terms on which a pardon would be granted, 
Easton despatched one of his captains, Harvey 
by name, to Ireland, while he himself mustered 
his squadron at Ferryland, some forty miles 
south of St. John's. This having been success- 
fully accomplished, he resolved to play his last 
card before capitulating, and accordingly he 
shaped his course for the Azores, with the idea 
of intercepting the Spanish Plate fleet. In the 
meantime Captain Harvey was nearing the 

1 Purchas, xix. (Hakluyt Soc,.) ; Guy's Kept., 29 July. 1612. 

2 Whitbourne, pp. 41-2. 


Irish coast, and apparently no sooner had he 
entered home waters than he divulged his 
master's intention, much to the annoyance of 
Whitbourne, who found on reaching England 
that a pardon had already been despatched. 1 
Nevertheless, the anxiety of the Government to 
secure Easton' s surrender was not destined to 
meet with success, for the bearer of the pardon, 
to use Whitbourne' s own words, ' by a too much 
delaying of time,' caused Easton to lose hope ; 
and, after waiting patiently off the Barbary coast, 
with his ships full of treasure, he sailed for the 
Straits of Gibraltar, finally entering the service 
of the Duke of Savoy, under whom he lived in 
palatial luxury. 2 The total amount of damage 
done to the shipping of various nations, both at 
and around Newfoundland, by Easton and his 
fellow corsairs, was stated to exceed 2o,ooo/. 3 

During Mainwaring's absence in Newfound- 
land, Spain took the opportunity of turning her 
attention to the pirates' stronghold at Mamora. 
The presence of a Dutch squadron in the Straits 
had no doubt stimulated her to take action, 
and in the summer of 1614 she gathered together 
a huge armada, consisting of ninety-nine ships, 
both large and small, for the purpose of laying 

1 Two pardons were granted, one in February and the other 
in November 1612 (Cal. S.P. Dom.). 

2 Whitbourne, pp. 41-2. Easton sailed into Villefranca 
with fourteen ships in March 1613. He purchased a palace 
there, and warehoused his booty, which was reputed to be 
worth two millions of gold. On the eve of the Duke of Savoy's 
raid on the Duchy of Mantua, Easton was employed in the 
Duke's siege train. We are told that he covered himself 
with glory, among his many accomplishments being his skill 
in laying guns, which was such, ' that a few shots by him 
produce more effect than most gunners produce with many 
(Cal. S.P. Venice, 1610-13, pref. xxi-xxii.). 3 Prowse, 102. 


siege to that port. The command of this expedi- 
tion was given to Don Luis Fajardo, and on 
the ist of August he sailed from Cadiz. On 
arriving at his destination, the Spanish admiral 
suffered the humiliation of finding a Dutch 
squadron of four ships of war under Admiral 
Evertsen anchored in the road. Though in 
possession of the anchorage, the Dutchman had 
no alternative, in view of the overwhelming 
force that would be opposed to him, but to make 
way for Fajardo' s ships and salute the Spanish 
standard. The arrival of the Spanish fleet was 
at a most opportune time, for, owing to the 
absence of the principal corsairs, the place was 
quite unprepared to resist an attack, and the 
success of the expedition was evident from the 
first. To the credit of Fajardo, however, it 
must be said that his plans were carefully matured, 
and after consulting with Don Pedro de Toledo 
and the Conde de Elba, general of his galleys, he 
decided to wait for a calm day in order to land' 
an attacking party, consisting of 2000 men, on 
a small beach near by. Meanwhile the few 
defenders that were at Mamora had strengthened 
their position by sinking two vessels across the 
mouth of the harbour, and above them had 
formed a temporary boom with the aid of masts 
and yards. The port was strongly fortified, 
and Fajardo bombarded the defences with his 
heavy guns. The Moors, who had counted on 
their position as being almost impregnable, were 
so taken back at the suddenness of the attack, 
that they abandoned the fort after rendering 
the guns useless. The Spaniards next turned 
their attention to the boom, and before long 
they succeeded in destroying it sufficiently to 
permit their ships to enter the harbour. The 


corsairs, of whom there were some sixteen sail, 
now saw that their position was hopeless, and 
after setting fire to their ships, they made their 
escape as best they could. 1 Fajardo, having thus 
accomplished what Spanish gold had failed to 
do some few months previously, declared Mamora 
to be henceforth under the Spanish crown. 

After his successful coup among the New- 
foundland fishing fleet, Main waring next shaped 
his course for the Barbary coast. The news of 
Fajardo' s victory had also reached him, and 
hastened his return to the neighbourhood of 
Mamora, where some of the Spanish fleet were 
cruising. Though deprived of this port, Ville- 
franca was open to the pirates, and proved a 
safe base both for supplies and repairs. In fact, 
the downfall of Mamora ushered in the birth 
of Villefranca as a pirate rendezvous. As soon 
as Mainwaring neared the entrance to the Straits, 
he immediately resumed his original plan of 
preying on Spanish shipping, a campaign in 
which he was ably assisted by a scion of another 
famous English family one Walsingham. 2 It 
is even possible that Walsingham was one of 
Mainwaring' s lieutenants ; at any rate, his success 
was pronounced from the first. With six good 
ships under his command he was reported to 
have taken 500,000 crowns from the Spaniards 
within the space of six weeks. 3 The swarms of 

1 Fernandez-Duro, Armada Espanola, iii. 332 ; Horozco, 
Discorso hist, de presa que del Puerto de la Mamora, 1614 
(reprinted in Rivadeneyra, xxxvi.) ; Corbett, England in the 
Mediterranean, i. 58. 

2 Walsingham, like Mainwaring, afterwards gained dis- 
tinction in the Royal Navy, and in 1622 he was captain of the 

3 Cal. S.P. Dom., November 26, 1614. Digby to Winwood. 


pirates that infested the Spanish coasts, both 
within and without the Mediterranean, at last 
stung the King of Spain into action, and in 
June 1615 he issued a proclamation permitting 
any of his subjects to fit out ships and go priva- 
teering. 1 Nor was his action limited to private 
enterprise only, and at the same time instructions 
were given for five of the royal fleet to be prepared 
for sea, to assist in the suppression of Mainwaring 
and the like. In the following month (July) 
these five ships sailed from Cadiz in search of 
any vessel flying the English flag. Their period 
of inaction was very brief, for hardly had they 
left port when they were encountered by Main- 
waring with a squadron of three ships, and 
a fierce fight ensued. Of the contest itself, full 
details are wanting, but such as are available 
show the grim determination with which Main- 
waring and his company fought. Though out- 
numbered in fighting strength, his superior 
seamanship enabled him to inflict a crushing 
defeat on the Spanish men-of-war. Through 
all that long summer day he clung tenaciously 
to his opponents, and it was only under cover 
of night that they were enabled to escape. By 
this time they had been chased far out of their 
course, and as their battered condition would 
not permit them to return to Cadiz, they were 
forced to make for Lisbon, where the Venetian 
Ambassador reported their arrival, adding that 
they were glad to withdraw from the contest, 
having been ' roughly handled.' 2 

Following on this, Spain, according to Main- 
waring, again offered him a pardon, and 20,000 

1 Cal. S.P. Venice, 1613-15, pref. xliii. 
z Ibid., July 8, 1615. Morosini to the Doge. See also 
Mainwaring's Discourse of Pirates. 


ducats a year if he would ' go General of that 
Squadron ' ; but tempting as the offer was, he 
refused to enlist his services under the Spanish 
flag, and this year proved the last but one of his 
career on the Barbary coast. Like Drake and 
Raleigh, he was evidently of the opinion that 
to fight and plunder the Spaniards was in itself 
a virtue, and in some cases a necessity. 

As a typical illustration of the method of 
engaging a Spaniard on the high seas, the follow- 
ing contemporary account may be read in 
conjunction with Mainwaring's exploit * : 

'A sail, how stands she, to windward or leeward, 
set him by the Compass, he stands right a-head ; or 
on the weather bow, or lee bow : out with all your 
sails, a steady man to the helm, sit close to keep her 
steady. Give chase or fetch him up, he holds his own, 
no we gather on him, out goeth his flag and pennants 
or streamers, also his Colours, his waist-cloths and top 
armings, he furls and slings his main sail, in goes his 
sprit sail and mizzen, he makes ready his close fights 
fore and after. Well, we shall reach him by and by.' 

' What is all ready ? Yea, yea. Every man to his 
charge. Dowse your top sail, salute him for the sea : 
Hail him : whence your ship ? Of Spain. Whence is 
yours ? Of England. Are you Merchants or Men of 
War ? We are of the Sea. He waves us to leeward 
for the King of Spain, and keeps his luff. Give 
him a chase piece, a broadside, and run a-head, make 
ready to tack about, give him your stern pieces, be 
yare at helm, hail him with a noise of Trumpets.' 

' We are shot through and through, and between 
wind and water, try the pump. Master let us breathe 
and refresh a little. Sling a man overboard to stop 
the leak. Done, done. Is all ready again ? Yea, yea : 
bear up close with him, with all your great and small 

1 Captain John Smith, An Accidence for all Young Sea-men, 
1626, pp. 18-20. 


shot charge him. Board him on his weather quarter, 
lash fast your grapplins and shear off, then run stemline 
the mid ships. Board and board, or thwart the hawse. 
We are foul on each other.' 

' The ship's on fire. Cut any thing to get clear, and 
smother the fire with wet cloths. We are clear, and the 
fire is out, God be thanked.' 

' The day is spent, let us consult. Surgeon look to 
the wounded. Wind up the slain, with each a weight 
or bullet at his head and feet, give three pieces for 
their funerals.' 

' Swabber make clean the ship. Purser record 
their names. Watch be vigilant to keep your berth 
to windward : and that we loose him not in the 
night. Gunners spunge your Ordnances. Soldiers scour 
your pieces. Carpenters about your leaks. Boatswain 
and the rest, repair the sails and shrouds. Cook 
see you observe your directions against the morning 
watch. Boy. Hulloa Master. Hulloa. Is the kettle 
boiled ? Yea, yea.' 

' Boatswain call up the men to Prayer and Breakfast. 
Boy fetch my cellar of Bottles. A health to you all fore 
and aft, courage my hearts for a fresh charge. Master 
lay him aboard luff for luff : Midshipsmen see the 
tops and yards well manned with stones and brass balls, 
to enter them in the shrouds, and every squadron else 
at their best advantage. Sound Drums and Trumpets, 
and St. George for England.' 

' They hang out a flag of truce, stand in with him, 
hail him amain, abaft or take in his flag, strike 
their sails and come aboard, with the Captain, Purser, 
and Gunner, with your Commission, Cocket, or bills 
of loading.' 

' Out goes their Boat, they are launched from the 
Ship side. Entertain them with a general cry. God 
save the Captain, and all the Company, with the 
Trumpets sounding. Examine them in particular ; and 


then conclude your conditions with feasting, freedom, 
or punishment as you find occasion.' 

After Mainwaring's defeat of the Spanish 
men-of-war, it was obvious that steps would have 
to be taken to bring him to book ; and the 
Spanish and French governments, through their 
ambassadors in London, lodged reiterated com- 
plaints against the depredations committed by 
him. In one case the French actually issued 
letters of reprisal to the extent of I5,ooo/. for 
the seizure of a French ship, the value of which 
was stated to be under looo/. 1 It was evident 
that James, loth as he may have been to take 
action in the matter, could not afford to ignore 
these representations. Sincerely anxious to keep 
the peace with everyone, he handled the difficulty 
in a way that was entirely characteristic, and 
an envoy was despatched to the Barbary coast, 
offering Mainwaring, on the one hand, a free pardon 
if he would return and abandon piracy, while 
on the other it was threatened to send a fleet 
of sufficient strength that would compel him 
to surrender, even in the harbours of his ally 
the Emperor of Morocco. 2 This latter recourse 
was a length to which Mainwaring did not intend 
to provoke his natural sovereign. An action 
against the English fleet was not part of his 
creed. He bore no malice against his own 
countrymen, and without hesitation he decided 
to return and enter into negotiations. With 
this end in view he passed through the Straits 
with two ships in his company, reaching the 

1 Cal. S.P. Dom., James I. Hill to Brereton, March i 
1624. Probably the Saint Pierre captured in 1615 (S.P. 
Dom., James I, clx. 2 ; Chas. I, dxxvi. 44). 

2 Chevalier's Journal. 


Irish coast in November 1615. x As soon as he 
arrived there he sent to his friends in England 
to complete the terms of his surrender. The 
news of his arrival quickly spread, and such 
was his popularity, that while cruising off the 
North West coast of Ireland awaiting the result 
of these negotiations, no fewer than sixty mariners 
came to offer their services to him, while letters 
were received from different parts of the country 
from adventurous spirits anxious to enlist under 
his flag. 2 To all of these Mainwaring returned 
a polite refusal, and finally brought his vessels 
into Dover Harbour, where one of them, com- 
manded by Captain Thomas Hill, was ' stayed ' 
on Christmas eve by the order of Lord Zouch, 
the Lord Warden. This action Mainwaring seems 
to have resented, for he immediately afterwards 
entered into an agreement with Joachim 
Wardeman of Lubeck, for the sale of a ship the 
Barbary, late the Golden Lion, which was then 
lying in Dover Harbour. She carried ordnance, 
and the purchase price was settled at 2OO/. 
' of good and lawful money of England/ to be 
paid before the 2oth of June. Wardeman, possibly 
unaware of his client's identity, parted with 
the ship, and was forced to bring an action 
against Mainwaring, which was settled by Zouch 
on command from the King, the terms of the 
settlement being unrecorded. 8 

Mainwaring had now played his last card, 

and James, at the request of many of the leading 

nobles, consented to grant him a pardon because 

he had committed no great wrong/ on condition 

1 East India Co. Letters, ed. Foster; ii. 189. Dodsworth 
to the East India Co. from aboard the Hope in Killybegs 

Discourse of Pirates. 

S.P. Dom., James I, Ixxxvi. 5, 90, 118. 


that he would arrange with the interested parties 
for the damage he had inflicted. The negotia- 
tions being brought to a successful issue, it is 
recorded that on the gih of June, 1616, ' Captain 
Mainwaring, the sea captain, was pardoned under 
the Great Seal of England/ At the same time a 
general pardon was granted to all those who had 
served under him, on condition that they returned 
to England and gave up the ' trade/ x 

Having received the royal clemency, Main- 
waring's atonement seems to have been complete, 
and as a firstfruits of his gratitude; he proceeded 
to suppress any pirate that chanced to cross 
his path. At this period attacks by ' Turkish ' 
pirates on English shipping trading to the Levant 
and other parts were frequently reported. In 
1616 seven of our ships, while on the homeward 
voyage from Newfoundland, encountered some 
thirty sail of them, with the result that two of 
the English vessels were sunk, and the rest 
captured. The Mary Anne, of 200 tons burden, 
belonging to the port of London, was boarded 
and rifled by them in the Straits of Malaga. 
Reported to have at their command a fleet of 
eighty ships, they became such a serious menace 
to trade, that the Levant Company sought the 
assistance of James I to suppress them. 2 So 
daring were they, that Mainwaring reported 
three of their number actually anchored in the 
Thames ! According to his own account he 
found one of the ships ' as high up the river as 
Leigh/ 3 Knowing how to deal with such rovers, 

1 S.P. Venice, 1619-21, No. 488 ; Carew Letters to Roe, 
(Camden Soc.), p. 35. 2 Carew Letters, pp. 50, 67. 

3 Discourse of Pirates ; Carew Letters, p. 51. Leigh in 
Essex, about two miles from Southend. Camden happily 
describes it ' as a pretty little town stocked with lusty 


he promptly boarded the vessel, and released a 
number of Christian captives that were on board. 
This incident did much to redeem his character, 
and with all Drake's art in smoothing his path 
in influential quarters, his next step was to 
ingratiate himself with the Lord Warden of the 
Cinque Ports, an office which still counted for 
much influence in naval affairs. The Warden 
was so impressed with Mainwaring's ability, 
that he entrusted him with a commission for 
the building of a pinnace, which was undertaken 
by Phineas Pett, the famous shipwright, who 
records that by Mainwaring's order he built 

a small pinnace of 40 tons for Lord Zouch, being then 
Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, which pinnace was 
launched the 2nd of August, and presently rigged and 
fitted, all at my charge. 1 

The pinnace in question was probably the 
Silver Falcon, which Zouch, who was a member 
of the Council of the Virginia Company, sent 
to Virginia early in 1619. On the 6th the vessel 
sailed from Woolwich with Mainwaring and Sir 
Walter Raleigh on board, and the voyage from 
that place to Dover is thus described by Pett : 

The first tide we anchored [at] Gravesend ; next night 
at the North Foreland ; next tide in the Downs, where 
we landed and rode to Dover Castle in the Lord Warden's 
coach, sent purposely for us, leaving the pinnace to be 
brought in to Dover Pier with the pilot and mariners. 2 

Raleigh was not released from the Tower till 
March 1616, and his presence on board suggests 
that he may have had an idea of hiring her for 

1 Phineas Pett, p. 116. Pett says he lost lool. by the 

Ibid., p. 1 1 6. 


his last expedition, which sailed from Plymouth 
in June 1617. 

During the time that they were the guests 
of the Lord Warden, many an interesting con- 
versation must have taken place in the rooms 
over the Constable's Tower. We can picture 
this curious trio explorer, pirate, and master 
shipwright seated around a bowl of punch, 
each entertaining their host, a stern old courtier 
of sixty summers, with their views on men and 
things in general. Once handsome Raleigh, now 
careworn and aged from his long confinement 
in the Tower, would no \doubt describe in eulo- 
gistic terms his forthcoming voyage to ' El 
Dorado/ upon the success or failure of which 
depended his own life. Pett, to whom the 
secret of the shipwright's profession had descended 
from father to son, would expound his views on 
the art of shipbuilding, a discourse which would 
be taken up with zeal by both Raleigh and 
Mainwaring. Then there would be Mainwaring, 
barely thirty years of age and the youngest 
member of the party, who, despite his years, 
would thrill his hearers with stories of the sea, 
and probably inform them of his projected 
treatise on the suppression of piracy. In the 
meantime Zouch, on his part, could enliven the 
conversation with stories of current court scandal 
and gossip, a subject in which he was kept very 
well informed by his many correspondents. In 
this way they would pass many a pleasant hour 
during their sojourn in the venerable pile. On 
the i6th of the month their visit came to an 
end, and as Mainwaring passed through the 
gateway of Constable's Tower after bidding adieu 
to his host, little did he dream that a few years 
hence he would enter that same gateway again, 


not as a guest, but as the custodian of this ' the 
key of England.' 

Having now the privilege of numbering himself 
among Zouch's many friends, it was not long 
before this introduction procured him an opening 
at court, and he was appointed a gentleman of 
the royal bedchamber. A scholar of considerable 
ability, and an agreeable conversationalist, the 
King was attracted to Mainwaring from the 
first, and whenever the opportunity occurred, 
he would freely discuss questions of maritime 
policy with him. In fact, Mainwaring's foot was 
now well on the ladder to promotion, but his 
ingrained love of adventure was soon to lead 
him to stormier waters that were more akin 
to his nature than the service of a peace-loving 




To Mainwaring the lure of the sea was irresistible, 
and by a strange turn of the wheel of fate he 
was destined to play a part in one of the most 
bewildering of all historical mysteries, the Spanish 
plot of 1618. This famous conspiracy had for 
its object the overthrow of the Venetian Republic, 
and it was so planned that while a powerful 
Spanish fleet was preying on the commerce 
of the Republic and threatening her by sea, 
mysterious strangers in the pay of Spain were 
crowding her taverns, and conspiring to burn 
and pillage the city, and massacre the nobles. 1 
The principal organiser of this diabolical plot 
is supposed to have been the Duke of Ossuna, 
the Spanish viceroy at Naples, and in 1617 
he despatched a large squadron to the Gulf of 
the Adriatic under the command of Francisco 
de T 'bera. To cover up his sinister design 
variy excuses were put forward, and Ribera's 
fleet ne boasted should sail into Venetian waters, 
'in spite of the world, in spite of the king, in 

1 Corbett, England in the Mediterranean, i. 44 ; Quarterly 
Review, 102, p. 430. 



spite of God/ 1 This outburst of Ossuna's, 
followed by the presence of his fleet in the Adriatic, 
caused the Venetians to take precautionary 
measures for the safety of the Republic. Gon- 
domar, the Spanish ambassador in England, 
had, in the course of a conversation with Main- 
waring, concluded with words to the effect that 
it would not be long before Spanish was spoken 
in Venice, which threat was duly reported to 
the Council of Ten. 2 The Venetians now sought 
the assistance of James I, and by the middle 
of December 1617 their ambassador in London 
had been instructed to ask the King for permission 
to levy ships in England, besides 500 infantry. 3 
The English merchant service stood second to 
none in the eyes of the Republic, and they 
requested the loan of eight or ten ships for the 
purpose of defence. They themselves had pre- 
pared a fleet of 100 galleys, and the English 
vessels were to act in conjunction with these 
and some Dutch ships which had been hired. 
No sooner had the news reached the ears of 
Gondomar, than he determined to ask a similar 
favour of James, but as it was impossible for 
him to prove that the ships, if granted, would 
be used for purposes other than offence, his 
request was refused. The Venetian demand, 
however, was judged to be ' so reasonable/ 
that the King could not refuse it, and permission 
to levy the ships was granted, on condition 
that they were used for defence only. 4 The 
Venetian ambassador having successfully played 
his first card, much to the dismay of Gondomar, 

1 Pearsall Smith, Sir H. Wotton, i. 152-4 ; Romanin, 
Venezia, vii. 120. 

2 Cal. S.P. Venice, 1617-19, No. 716. 

3 Carleton, Letters, 220. * Carleton, 235. 


his next difficulty was to find suitable ships, 
and for this purpose he naturally sought expert 
advice. On Christmas Day, therefore, two 
members of the Venetian embassy, Lionello 
and Michielini, were sent to interview Main- 
waring. Though the real object of their mission 
was to solicit his aid in the choice and equipment 
of suitable vessels, they vaguely hinted at the 
possibility of giving him the command of the 
ships in the event of their negotiations proving 
successful. They explained that the needs of 
the Republic were urgent, and accordingly the 
next morning Mainwaring made an inspection 
of the various ships then lying in the Thames. 
On account of the opposition of the Spanish 
ambassador it was necessary to proceed with 
the greatest caution, but unfortunately the 
Republic's needs occurred at a most unfavourable 
time, and nearly all the larger vessels appear 
to have been engaged in the East India trade. 
In Mainwaring's opinion there were none suit- 
able at the moment for the service required 
of them. 1 Dutch vessels could have been hired 
at far less cost, but the English were considered 
to be better built, and the ambassador having 
set his heart on acquiring some of the English 
merchantmen, he informed Mainwaring that the 
Republic would have to be satisfied with the 
best that were available. The English seamen 
excelled all others in battle ' that I did not choose 
to part with them.' Thus wrote Contarini to 
the Doge. 2 

Meanwhile rumours had been circulated that 
Mainwaring was to command the merchant 

1 Col. S.P. Venice, 1617-19, No. 713. Ed. A. B. Hinds. 
I am indebted to Mr. Hinds' Calendar for most of the informa- 
tion contained in this chapter. 2 Ibid., pref. xxiv. 


ships, and his frequent journeyings to and fro 
in search of suitable vessels gave credence to 
that report. On this point, however, Contarini 
was silent, and when Mainwaring approached 
him on the matter, he excused himself from 
giving a direct reply by stating that he had no 
authority to appoint a commander in chief. 1 
Nevertheless, he sounded the Republic on the 
possibility of giving Mainwaring the command, 
and on the 3ist of January, 1618, he wrote 2 : 

There is here an English gentleman, a certain 
Captain Mainwaring, of yore a most famous pirate, 
who has repeatedly cruised in the Levant and in the 
Indies, and taken a number of vessels, having had as 
many as six or eight of his own ; and for nautical skill, 
for fighting his ship, for his mode of boarding, and 
for resisting the enemy, he is said not to have his superior 
in all England. He did not obtain his pardon from the 
King until two years ago, and is now anxious to be 
employed by the State, and to take out these transports 
with the troops to the Venetian fleet, doing subsequently 
whatsoever may be commanded him by the public 
representatives. Not having orders from your Excel- 
lencies to engage men of this sort, I did not dare 
give him the appointment, although I think he might 
prove very useful, and do good service in the fleet, from 
his great practice and experience in naval warfare. 

The Republic were deeply impressed by this 
despatch, and the possibility of having such a 
distinguished and able commander appealed to 
them. They therefore requested Contarini to 
endeavour to ascertain whether, in the event 
of employing him, they would be doing so with 
the King's sanction. The only thing that seems 

1 Col. S.P. Venice, 1617-19, No. 713. 

2 Duffus Hardy, Report on the Archives of Venice, 84-5 ; 
Cat. S.P. Venice, 1617-19, No. 202. 


to have troubled them was whether Mainwaring 
would receive the necessary support from the 
other captains, on account of his previous career. 

With regard to the captain of whom you write 
[they replied], we do not seem to have sufficient informa- 
tion about him, or how he stands in the King's favour, 
whether his Majesty would be pleased at his going, of 
the fidelity of his service, of his claims, possessions, 
and credit, so that we cannot say anything definite 
at this moment. Possibly he would not be readily obeyed 
by the captains of the other ships, and if the journey 
is undertaken in conjunction with the Dutch ships, it 
might give rise to confusion. However, when your 
replies upon these particulars reach us, he might come 
by the quick route overland, and our sea-captains would 
be able to avail themselves of his services. 1 

The possibility of the reappearance of Main- 
waring in the Mediterranean, backed by the 
official sanction of the British Government, was 
viewed with the liveliest apprehension on the 
part of Spain, 2 and as soon as Gondomar heard 
of the proposal, he appeared at the Council 
table, and strongly objected to Mainwaring 
enlisting his services in a state that was hostile 
to his King. 3 It was imperative to Gondomar 
that Mainwaring should not be allowed to sail 
with the ships. To this end he approached 
Mainwaring personally, and sued him for 80,000 
ducats, that being the amount he estimated 
Mainwaring had taken from the subjects of 
the King of Spain. Finding this useless, he 
adopted other tactics, offering him a free pardon 
and a high command if he refused to serve the 
Venetians; but to all the tempting proposals 

1 Cal. S.P. Venice, 1617-19, No. 251. 

" Corbett, vol. i. p. 59. 

3 Pearsall Smith, i. 154 ; Cal. S.P. Venice, No. 641. 


that Gondomar had to offer, Mainwaring turned 
a deaf ear, and the prospect of fighting his old 
enemy again made him redouble his exertions to 
secure the command of the merchant ships. On 
the 2ist of March Contarini wrote again 1 : 

I have endeavoured to obtain the most precise 
information concerning Captain Mainwaring, who offered 
his services to the Republic. In like manner as I find 
that for nautical experiences and sea-fights, and for a 
multitude of daring feats performed afloat when he 
was a pirate, he is in high repute, being considered 
resolute and courageous, and perfectly suited to that 
profession, understanding the management of large 
ships 2 better, perhaps, than anyone ; so does the name 
of corsair, by its lack of respectability, create a doubt 
of his receiving the necessary obedience from other 
captains ; besides the small reliance to be placed in any 
man of that profession. I understand he has no landed 
property of any value, though it is supposed he may have 
some treasure secreted from fear of its being claimed by 
the owners of his prizes. Only a few days ago the 
Spanish ambassador, Gondomar, 3 sued him for 80,000 
ducats. He is a gentleman of the bed-chamber to the 
King, is in favour at the court, and on this very day his 
Majesty sent me a very earnest message in recom- 
mendation of him. 

1 Duff us Hardy, 84-5 ; Cal. S.P. Venice, 1617-19, No. 286. 

2 In Mr. Hinds' Calendar this has been translated as 
' first rates.' I have substituted the words ' large ships ' 
as there is no evidence of ships being classed under rates as 
early as this. 

3 Diego de Sarmiento de Acuna was born about 1570. 
He landed in England on his first embassy here in August 
1613. Four years later he was created Conde de Gondomar. 
He exercised a commanding influence over James I, and was 
instrumental in bringing about the execution of Raleigh. He 
left England on July 15, 1618 ; but less than two years 
elapsed before he was back again, landing at Dover, March 5, 
1620. Died at Madrid, October 2, 1626 (Lyon, El conde 
de Gondomar). 


So anxious was the King that Mainwaring 
should be given the command, that he despatched 
the Earl of Montgomery to the ambassador to 
urge his claim. It was pointed out to Contarini 
that as they were to have landsmen commanded 
by Sir Henry Peyton, and ships for their convoy 
to Venice, the King hoped the Republic would 
allow one of his subjects to command them, and 
for that purpose his Majesty had thought fit 
to recommend Captain Mainwaring, ' a gentle- 
man whom he had made special choice of, and 
who he held most fit for that employment.' 1 
The reason for the royal request is not far to 
seek. James was about to launch out in a new 
field of naval enterprise, and he was desirous of 
inaugurating this departure under the flag of a 
commander whose ability to conduct it success- 
fully was beyond doubt. Hitherto the Mediter- 
ranean had always been regarded by England as 
outside her sphere of action, and now, for the first 
time in her history, she was despatching an 
integral portion of her Navy, for such was the 
mercantile fleet of the time, to a quarter which, 
in the years to come, was to loom largely in her 
naval annals. James had granted the ships 
for the purpose of protecting an ally, and pre- 
serving the balance of power in the Mediterranean, 
and the importance of the sailing of this little 
fleet cannot be over-estimated. It is also 
worthy of remembrance that the negotiations 
which brought about its prompt despatch were 
simply due to the patriotic impulses of a few 
merchants backed by the strenuous efforts of 
Mainwaring acting on behalf of the Venetian 
government. It is even probable that some of 

1 Finett, Finetti Philoxensis, 1656, p. 50. 


the ships belonged to Mainwaring ; certainly 
one of them, the Anadem, was owned by his 
younger brother George. 1 After having achieved 
so much, it must have been a keen disappointment 
not to have received the command which he so 
earnestly sought ; but, in spite of the King's wish 
that Mainwaring should be chosen, Gondomar's 
policy prevailed, and Sir Henry Peyton even- 
tually received the commission. 2 A commander 
who had ' no knowledge of naval affairs ' did not 
trouble the Spanish ambassador, and Contarini, 
writing to the Republic on the 2oth of January 
regarding Peyton, said : * I have concluded the 
engagement for a levy of 500 infantry with Sir 
Henry Peyton, one of the good soldiers of Flanders. 
I find that he enjoys an excellent character, and 
is extremely capable of doing the State good 
service, but has no knowledge of naval affairs.' 
Though the expedition nominally sailed under 
the flag of Peyton, it would appear from Con- 
tarini' s instructions that Captain Daniel Bannister, 
of the Royal Exchange, assumed command of 
the ships until they reached Venice, when they 
were placed under the command of the Venetian 
Captain-General at sea, Barbarigo. 3 

1 In the Venetian Archives there is a document giving the 
' Articles of Agreement ' made on the loth of February, 1618, 
between George Maynwaring, Esquire, owner of the good ship 
Anadem of London, and the Ambassador Contarini, for four 
months at 355^. a month (Cat. S.P. Venice, 1617-19, No. 635). 

1 Peyton had already seen service in the Low Countries. 
He married in 1607 a daughter of Protector Somerset, and 
remained in the Venetian service until his death in 1623 

3 Duffus Hardy, pp. 84-5 ; S.P. Venice, 1617-19, 304. 
Sir J. Corbett was unable to trace the name of the actual 
commander when writing of this episode (England in the 
Mediterranean, i. 86). 


The following table gives the names of the 
vessels that were hired, with their armament and 
other details, full particulars of which were sent 
by Gondomar to the King of Spain. 1 




per month. 
















Devil of Dunkirk 





(or Anadem) 






Mathew - 





Royal Exchange 





Disappointed at not receiving the command 
of the squadron, but nothing daunted, Main- 
waring determined to embark ' in a private 
capacity/ and to apply personally to the Republic 
in the hope that he would be able to persuade 
them to enlist his services. The King's belief 
in Mainwaring's integrity was unshaken, and 
as a reward for his enterprise in fitting out the 
merchant ships, he knighted him on the 20th of 
March, 1617-18, at Woking, Surrey. 2 On the 
i8th of April, two days before the sailing of 
Peyton's squadron, Contarini wrote to the Doge 
and Senate, informing them of Mainwaring's 

Sir Henry Mainwaring, of whom I have already sent 
an account to your Serenity, is so bent on serving the 
Republic, that as there is no opportunity for him to fill 

1 Documentor Ineditos, xlvi. p. 374. In Mainwaring's 
Memorial the Devil of Dunkirk is not mentioned. 

2 Shaw, Book of Knights, i. 167. His patent of 
knighthood describes him as ' of Surrey.' 


any post on board the squadron, now bound for the 
Gulf (of Venice), he has determined to embark in a private 
capacity to offer himself in person to the Captain-General, 
relying that with the good proof he can render of his 
experience, and with the warm letters given him by the 
King for your Excellencies, he shall be able to obtain 
the honour, so earnestly desired of him, of serving the 
State. I likewise must back his suit by these present 
letters, both on account of my knowledge of his devoted 
will and valour, as also by reason of the recommend- 
ation intimated to me by a very leading nobleman 
on behalf of the King, and yet more in the hope that 
his exertions may prove to the entire satisfaction of 
your Serenity. 1 

Though Contarini apparently welcomed the 
idea of Mainwaring seeking a personal interview 
with the Doge and Senate, it was not to. be, and 
while the ambassador was penning his despatch, 
Gondomar was seeking an audience of the King, 
and vehemently protesting against Mainwaring 
embarking in any capacity whatever. James, 
who was but a toy in the hands of the wily 
Spaniard, was easily won over, and, in order 
' to give some satisfaction in appearance ' to 
that dignitary, he ordered Mainwaring to post- 
pone his departure until Gondomar had left 
England. In the meantime Contarini having 
successfully completed the terms of his agree- 
ment, Peyton's fleet sailed from Gravesend on 
the 20th of April, in spite of Gondomar' s bluff 
that there were forty Spanish vessels laying in 
wait for them at the entrance to the Straits. 2 

While the ships were nearing Venice, a strange 
feeling of uneasiness pervaded the city, and the 

1 Cal. S.P. Venice, 1617-19, 324. 

2 Penn, Navy under the Early Stuarts, p. 46. The terms 
of Peyton's agreement are given in Duffus Hardy, pp. 84-5. 


emotion of the populace was intense. Secretly 
and silently the Republic were rounding up the 
various foreigners that were supposed to be in 
the pay of Ossuna, and in the early morning 
light of the i8th of May the bodies of two French- 
men could be discerned on a gibbet in the piazza ; 
each corpse hung by the leg, thus showing that 
their crime was treason. Five days later the 
mutilated body of a third was added, and there 
were strange rumours that many other con- 
spirators had been strangled in prison, and 
their bodies tumbled into the canals in the dead 
of night. The Venetians could find no explana- 
tion for the strange and horrible sight that met 
their eyes, and the Government did not enlighten 
them. To the populace at large the strangers 
had simply disappeared as mysteriously as they 
came. 1 Ossuna meanwhile had instructed Ribera 
to withdraw his fleet from Brindisi, and the 
English merchant vessels arrived in the Adriatic 
without molestation towards the end of June. 2 
The active intervention of England had accom- 
plished its object, and all that Peyton and his 
ships had to do was to play a watching game. 
Though the combined display of naval force had 
saved the city, and the Spanish designs had 
been frustrated for the time being, the danger, 
as we shall see, had not yet passed. 

In England, while the Spanish ambassador 
was hounding Sir Walter Raleigh to his death, 3 
another of his victims, Sir Henry Mainwaring, 
was impatiently kicking his heels at court. The 

1 Horatio Brown's Venetian Studies, pp. 334-63, where 
a full account of the Spanish plot is given. 

z Corbett, i. p. 64. 

3 Raleigh arrived at Plymouth from his ill-fated expedition 
on the 2ist of June, 1618. 


failure to accompany the fleet had driven him 
to seek some other occupation for his ever restless 
spirit, and it was during this period of detention 
in England that Mainwaring completed his 
Discourse on Piracy and its Suppression, the 
manuscript of which he presented to the King as 
a thank-offering for his own pardon. A human 
document of the greatest interest, it is to be 
hoped that James profited by the discourse, 
especially as he was about to fit out an expedition 
against the Barbary corsairs. This treatise of 
Mainwaring' s affords to the student of English 
history a vivid picture of piracy as it flourished 
during the early part of the I7th century. The 
tactics adopted by the pirates, with an account 
of their various haunts when in need of a refit 
or victuals, together with advice on their sup- 
pression, are all discussed at length in a shrewd 
and learned manner by a former follower of 
the ' trade.' 1 

Though Gondomar left England on the I5th 
of July, some considerable period elapsed before 
Mainwaring was enabled to start for Venice, and 
even then he was forced to perform the journey 
secretly and in disguise. He had not yet escaped 
the clutches of Philip's ambassador, and as 
soon as the news of his departure reached Gon- 
domar, he caused Main waring' s ' portrait ' to 
be circulated throughout Milan and other places 
en route in the hope of having him stopped. 
Eventually Mainwaring crossed to Flanders, but 
the journey was not without incident, and find- 
ing himself in danger there, he was forced to return 
to England and adopt a more devious route. 
This time he was more successful, and after 

1 The MS. is printed in full in Vol. II. 


embarking in a small ship from the Isle of Wight, 
he managed to effect a landing on an obscure 
part of the coast of Normandy ; and from thence 
he travelled through France to Savoy. 1 The 
great secrecy with which Mainwaring started 
on his second venture is shown by the fact 
that Contarini himself was unaware that he was 
on his way to Venice, and actually thought he 
had gone to Ireland in disguise to resume his 
former ' trade of pirate/ 2 It is not surprising, 
therefore, that elaborate as the Spanish am- 
bassador's plans were, his emissaries failed to 
apprehend Mainwaring, and on the I2th of 
November the Republic's ambassador at Savoy 
reported him safe on his way to Venice. While 
in Savoy he was privately entertained by the 
Duke, who made him a present, and designated 
him as the ' foremost and boldest sailor, and 
sea-captain, that England possessed.' 3 Towards 
the end of November he ultimately reached 
Venice, and Sir Henry Wotton, in an audience 
with the Doge, spoke of him in the following 
terms : ' Sir Henry Mainwaring, who was once 
very famous, though his fame was not altogether 
good, is now in favour with the King, as he 
has been converted. He is known to be a 
valiant soldier, and he wishes to serve the Republic. 
He comes with letters from the ambassadors 
Contarini and Zen.' 4 

1 Cal. S.P. Venice, 1617-19, No. 716. 

2 Ibid., 532. Contarini wrote on the I4th of September 
that Mainwaring proceeded, he understood, to Ireland, where 
he fitted out a vessel, meaning to resume his former trade 
of pirate. 

3 Ibid., 581, 716. 

* Ibid., 599. Zen was the ambassador at Savoy, and 
wrote that the Spaniards would probably do Mainwaring 
some harm if he fell into their hands, 


In December the Council of Ten received 
information, ' from an individual who has proved 
trustworthy upon other occasions/ that during 
the time Mainwaring was negotiating with the 
Republic, the Spanish ambassador appeared at 
the Council table in England to protest against 
his going. Bearing in mind the great losses 
that Mainwaring had inflicted upon Spanish 
shipping at various times, Gondomar, as a last 
resource, informed him that the King of Spain 
would grant him a free pardon if he refused to 
serve the Venetians. ' My king will soon have 
territory in the state of the Venetians,' Gondomar 
continued, ' and I have orders, like all other 
ministers of his Majesty, to forward the plans 
of the Duke of Ossuna.' Though the threatened 
occupation of Venice was intended to influence 
Mainwaring' s opinion, it would be useless to 
deny that it was an idle boast. The threat 
only too plainly revealed the Spanish designs, 
and Mainwaring, with the idea of drawing from 
Gondomar further information, asked him bluntly 
if he thought it ' so easy to catch Venice nap- 
ping ? ' to which the ambassador replied that 
though 'it was a strong city when it was dis- 
armed,' the Spaniards would ' arm under another 
pretext, and the acquisition would be made in 
that way.' Such a candid confession, to a man 
who himself was the victim of Spanish perfidy, 
and the impression it must have made on his 
mind, is easier to imagine than to describe. ' Let 
the Duke of Ossuna alone,' was Gondomar' s 
significant hint as he left, 1 and its effect on 
Mainwaring was to make him redouble his efforts 
on behalf of the Venetians. The information 

1 Cal. S.P. Venice, 1617-19, 641. 


naturally caused a profound sensation in Venice, 
and on the loth of December the Council of 
Ten requested their ambassador in England 
to obtain confirmation, if possible, of Gondo- 
mar's conversation. 1 By the end of the month 
Wotton had a second audience with the Doge 
concerning Mainwaring, in which he stated that 
he was a cavalier of high nobility, whose fame 
in sea-fighting was such that the King freely 
discussed maritime matters with him, ' for in 
them, if I may say so, he has no equal/ How- 
ever, the Republic appear to have been in no 
haste to settle matters, and the only satisfaction 
Wotton received in answer, was to the effect that 
even if Main waring' s services were not required 
by the Republic, they would not let him depart 
without every mark of honour. 2 

In the meantime Donato, their ambassador 
in England, was busy gleaning what details 
he could of Gondomar's outburst, and on the 
I7th of January, 1619, he sent the report of his 
investigations to the Doge. 

With regard to Sir Henry Mainwaring (Manerino) 
[he wrote], and what the Spanish ambassador of the time 
did about his departure, I have heard the following. 
The ambassador did everything in his power to prevent 
Mainwaring from going to Venice, and obtained from the 
Council that he should not leave with the ships that are 
in service, some of which belong to Sir (Henry). I 
have not found any evidence that the Spanish ambassador 
made use before the council of any of the expressions 
against the Republic such as are described in your 
Excellencie's letter. It may be that after using every 
means to prevent the service of this man who has 
the reputation of being very courageous, although a 
pirate and not trustworthy the ambassador said these 

1 Cal. 5.P. Venice, 1617-19, 639. 8 Ibid., 671. 



words privately from his heart, as the actions are in 
conformity, and the Spanish preparations both by sea 
and land, carried out with such energy, threaten some 
great undertaking, which may be well feared. The 
said ambassador had a name at this Court for being 
very loquacious and by no means circumspect. 1 

Sir Henry Wotton was untiring in his efforts 
to persuade the Republic to take Mainwaring 
into their service. On the 2ist of January, 1619, 
he had a further audience with the Doge, during 
which he asked for a speedy decision regarding 
him. This audience of Wotton's presents a 
very interesting sidelight on Mainwaring's early 
career, giving as it does an account of the 
' accident ' that led him to adopt the role of a 
pirate. Wotton stated that the manner in which 
Mainwaring acquired his knowledge of seaman- 
ship was perhaps ' not altogether worthy, yet 
it was very excusable and straightforward.' 
He informed the Doge that many years ago 
Mainwaring undertook to go with three ships to 
the Indies, but owing to the intervention of the 
Spanish ambassador, the projected voyage did 
not take place. Disgusted at this treatment, 
he went off with a number of vessels ; and by 
way of revenge on the Spaniards, proceeded to 
capture any of their ships that chanced to cross 
his path, finally finding himself at the head of 
thirty or forty sail, mostly taken at the expense 
of the Spaniards. 2 The Doge replied that the 
affair was now in the hands of the Signory, 
and that he believed ' the gentleman would be 

1 S.P. Venice, 1617-19, 695. The words printed in italics 
are in cipher in the original Italian. 

2 Ibid., 699. 


As a last resource, Mainwaring himself drew 
up an account of his endeavours to fit out and 
command the ships, which he presented to the 
Doge on the 25th of January. In the ' con- 
siderations ' which he advanced, he advocated 
that three large ships should be employed instead 
of the seven merchant ships, and that they should 
be manned with sailors only, and not a mixed 
crew of soldiers and sailors as was then the case. 
These ' considerations ' he worked out with 
mathematical precision, paying the strictest 
attention to the most minute details. In them 
he gave the number of guns that would be required 
for each ship, with the amount of powder and 
shot necessary for each piece. The number of 
men to work the sails, the number for each gun, 
and even the number of powder monkeys were 
duly noted. The duties of all the officers and 
non-combatants he set forth in a manner of one 
thoroughly conversant with all that pertained 
to the sailing and fighting of a ship. Against 
three large ships, he stated, the seven merchant- 
men hired by the Republic would make a very 
poor show. He concluded by stating that he 
would undertake to provide efficient seamen, &c., 
if the Republic would adopt his scheme, which 
would enable them to effect a saving of over 
100,000 ducats a year. 

This paper on the relative value of large and 
small ships in naval warfare, a subject which even 
in the 20th century continues to evoke discussion, 1 
cannot fail to be of interest to all students of 
naval history, for it throws considerable light on 
the art of gunnery and maritime warfare as 
understood by our ancestors in the early Stuart 

1 See Corbett, Campaign of Trafalgar, pp. 44-9 : Jane, 
Heresies of Sea Power, pp. 296-309. 


period. It is here printed from the original in the 
Venetian archives. 1 

Considerations advanced by Sir Henry Mainwaring. 

The three ships of 500 and 550 tons burthen are 
capable of carrying 20 culverins and 20 half culverins 
each, with 200 English sailors. They would defeat seven 
ships which were no stronger than those which went 
from England, even though manned by Englishmen. 
With other nations it would be easier. It is necessary to 
consider the difference between the great and the light 
galleys. I believe it is admitted that five light galleys 
carry the same armament as one large one, and yet 
they cannot encounter a large galley because it is easier 
to fight, as all the force is concentrated in one unit. I 
will try to make my point clear to those who have little 
or no experience. 2 I begin with artillery. Everyone 
will admit that large pieces which fire heavy shot and 
burn more powder produce a greater effect. 

Below I have placed in a table the armament of each of 
the seven ships 3 : 

The Royal Exchange. 28 pieces, that is 6 half culverins 
and 22 sakers and lesser pieces. 

The Abigail. 26 pieces, that is 4 half culverins and 22 
sakers and lesser pieces. 

The Thomas Hercules. 22 pieces, that is 4 half culverins 
and 1 8 sakers and lesser pieces. 

The Matthew. 24 pieces, that is 2 half culverins and 22 
sakers and lesser pieces. 

The Adam. 4 22 pieces, that is 2 half culverins and 20 
sakers and lesser pieces. 

1 The original is in Italian, and has been translated by 
Mr. Allen Hinds and published in the Calendars of State 
Papers, Venice, 1617-19, No. 714. 

2 Printed exprience. 

8 The armament differs slightly from Gondomar's list. 
* Her real name was apparently Ann Adam. Called also 
the Anadem. 


The Centurion. 22 pieces, that is 2 half culverins and 
20 sakers and lesser pieces. 

The Dragon. 22 pieces, that is 2 half culverins and 20 
sakers and lesser pieces. 

A total of 166 pieces, comprising 22 half culverins and 
144 sakers and lesser pieces. As they have about as 
many sakers as minions, I propose to allow 6 pounds 
of powder for each piece of ordnance. 

The quantity for the half culverins at 9 pounds each 
22 X 9 = 198 pounds. 

The quantity for the sakers and minions at 6 pounds 
each 144 X 6 = 864 pounds, making a total of 1062 
pounds of powder for the seven ships. The artillery of 
the three ships of 500 to 550 tons burthen would be 
as follows : 

In each ship 20 half culverins, 60 in all, and 9 pounds 
of powder each, gives 540 pounds, also twenty culverins 
on the lower deck, making sixty in all, at 15 pounds of 
powder each, gives 900 pounds, or 1445 pounds of powder 
in all. Deduct 1062, and this leaves 378, or a third 
less. Although there are three ships for seven, and 
they carry 120 pieces instead of 166, yet they are one 
third stronger. This is a great advantage, and I venture 
to say that no man exists who has given so much 
consideration to this secret. 

The advantage in shot is even greater, as we employ 
less powder in proportion to an increase in the size of 
the shot. 

Weight of shot. 

Culverins l . . . .19 pounds 
Half culverins . . . nf pounds 
Sakers 9 pounds 

Minions .... 5 pounds 

1 A culverin of brass weighed approximately 3761 Ibs. \ 
a demi-culverin of brass, 2894 Ibs. ; a saker of brass, 1839 Iks. > 
a minion of brass, 1400 Ibs. (Manner's Mirror^ vi. p. 51). 


Thus the seven ships carry in weight [i.e. shot] 22 half 
culverins weighing 258^ pounds, and 144 sakers and 
minions weighing 1008 pounds, or 1266^ pounds [of shot] 
in all. The three ships would carry 60 half culverins, 
weighing 705, and 60 culverins weighing 19 pounds, 
making 1845 pounds [of shot] in all, showing a difference 
of 579 pounds. 

The artillery of the seven ships being small can do little 
damage to large ships, but large ships could do a great 
deal of harm to them. These ships also carry land 
soldiers who are expected to do great execution with 
their arquebuses. But the large ships can so damage the 
upper deck with their artillery that they will not be able 
to use their artillery or muskets, or very little owing to 
the smoke, and it is 50 to I that they do them no harm. 
Those who trust so much to a number of land soldiers 
in sea rights do not know how much they hinder the 
sailors In sea fights musketry fire is only useful upon 
two occasions, if the ship is on fire, to prevent the men 
from extinguishing it, and if the ship has a gun shot on 
the water line to keep her steady without pulling her 
over from the outside. 

The amount of space for the men in a large ship is 
a consideration of great importance as the men are 
further apart and better able to fight. If the three ships 
are as good sailers as the others they would bring more 
artillery to bear. I can only prove this by a long dis- 
cussion in technical terms, and I forbear because I 
cannot express myself in the language. 1 If the little 
ships had to fight in a high wind the big ones would 
smash them. What good would they and the Flemish 
ships of their size be if they met a great galleon, which 
would fear them as little as a galley would fear as many 
gondolas. I hope that I have proved my point that 
three such ships with English sailors under a good com- 
mander would deal with fifteen of the other ships. 

Two hundred sailors would suffice to fight each ship, 
more would be in the way. Three men to each piece 

1 / e. the Italian tongue. 


of ordnance, not to leave their posts except for extra- 
ordinary emergencies, that makes 120 men. The 
following officers and non-combatants : captain, master, 
helmsman, two barbers, two in the powder magazine, 
two caulkers, and four powder monkeys, making 133. 
This leaves 67 men to manage the sails and use their 
muskets. This number suffices, so that they do not 
disturb the gunners, and as all are sailors they can be 
employed in various ways and know where they can 
hurt the enemy, and can manage the sails. If there 
were more they would have to go below, as there is no 
need for land soldiers. Sea fighting consists in two 
points : orders, which no one can give who does not 
know the technical terms, a.nd execution, in which a 
sailor is better than five soldiers, for the latter can only 
manage their muskets, while the former can work a 
gun, manage the sails and board the enemy with a 
decent weapon. Thus when soldiers are on board 
they should be under the command of the sea captain, 
or they will get in the way. When two fleets meet, the 
one best provided with experienced sailors will certainly 

wm. A 

The seven ships have 500 soldiers and 470 sailors, 
970 in all, and the three ships would have 600 sailors or 
370 men less. But they would have 130 more sailors 
than the others, which makes them stronger. To prove 
this, put the 130 sailors in a ship with 30 pieces of artillery 
and 1000 soldiers in another, with 40 pieces : the former 
would take the latter because they would be superior 
in manipulating the ship and guns. I take the liberty 
to say that all men experienced in sea fighting are of 
opinion that the great Galleon of St. Mark and all the 
ships of the republic would do more service in a fight 
if two-thirds of these were men sailors and the other 
troops put on shore. 

1 The Venetian ambassador in England, Foscarini, wrote 
that the King supplies his ships with sailors only as the 
soldiers are of little use, and because he will not trust his 
ships to soldiers (S.P. Venice, 1617-19, p. 451). 


The cost of the seven English ships is as follows : 

Sailors Ducats a month. 

The Royal Exchange 80 1800 

The Abigail . . 70 1600 

The Hercules . . 70 1600 

The Matthew . . 70 1600 

The Anadem . . 60 1400 

The Centurion . 60 1400 

The Dragon . . 60 1400 

Total . . 10,800 

The 500 soldiers cost about 4000 ducats a month, 
48,000 ducats a year. 

Total for the seven ships in the year, 178,320 ducats. 

The three ships with their 600 sailors, which could 
easily beat the others, would cost : 100 fighting men, 
who must have sufficient food, which is more than is 
required in merchant ships, 26,400 ducats. 

That the Signory may know that it does not pay too 
dear, the King of Great Britain pays 8^. a day to his 
sailors for food, making 48^ ducats a year, and Sir Henry 
Peyton pays 10^. a day, making 60 ducats, but I will 
undertake to do it for 44 ducats a year per head. 

The wages of the 600 sailors at 6 ducats a month, 
one ducat more than is given in merchant ships, amount 
to 43,200 ducats. 

The total cost thus comes to 69,600 ducats, a yearly 
saving of 108,720 ducats. 1 

The Doge and Senate were greatly impressed 
by the ' considerations ' which Mainwaring pro- 
pounded, but in spite of the King's wish, and the 
exertions of Sir Henry Wotton, a post sufficiently 
worthy of his abilities was not to be found at 

1 Though we know that some of Peyton's soldiers were 
dissatisfied with their pay, and mutinied soon after their 
arrival in the Adriatic, history is extraordinarily silent as to the 
operations of the ships. Apparently their engagement termi- 
nated at the end of 1619, but Peyton himself remained in the 
Venetian service until his death in October 1623. 


the time. The Republic, however, realised the 
possibilities of the ' capital ship ' in naval warfare 
four of which in Mainwaring's opinion would 
have been sufficient to oppose all the galleys 
that Ossuna possessed 1 and they were of the 
opinion, that through Mainwaring's agency, James 
might be persuaded to lend them some warships. 
With this end in view they decided to despatch 
Mainwaring as an envoy to the King, to sound 
the possibility of such a transaction, and in the 
event of him being successful, the ships were 
to be placed under his command. At the same 
time they issued implicit instructions to their 
ambassador in England to assist Mainwaring's 
endeavours both with the King and the Govern- 
ment to obtain the ships. 

You will see [they wrote] that Mainwaring obtains, 
as he promises, the King's promise that he will serve 
us faithfully. ... If he complies, and he has made the 
proposals, you will arrange the rest by the light of his 
own calculations, for the payment of the sailors and other 
expenses. We give you power to supply him with 200 
crowns a month of 7 lire each for the time that he remains 
in our service. . . . You must keep to yourself the 
knowledge that we are thinking of getting rid of the seven 
English ships, which, to tell the truth, are ill adapted to 
our needs, if we can obtain the four vessels in question. 

The necessity for great secrecy in the matter 
was impressed upon the ambassador, 'so that 
Mainwaring, feeling doubtful about our decision, 
may use the greater efforts to obtain the ships 
from the King.' 2 

With a gift of six hundred crowns for the 
expenses of the journey, Mainwaring started on 

1 Cal. S.P. Venice, 1617-19, No. 716. 

2 Ibid., 718. 


his mission on the 26th of January, Sir Henry 
Wotton, who had always held him in high esteem, 
entrusting him with two letters, one to the 
King explaining his mission, and the other to 
Lord Zouch, the Lord Warden of the Cinque 

The journey overland was one of considerable 
difficulty, if we may judge from the accounts 
of early I7th century travellers. The roads 
were bad, bands of robbers were numerous, 
and in the case of Mainwaring there was an 
additional anxiety the possibility of being appre- 
hended by the many emissaries of the Spanish 
Government. On the way he appears to have 
suffered from illness, but otherwise there was 
nothing to mar the success of his journey until 
he reached the Rhine. In those days the Rhine 
was ' the great artery of Europe, through which 
the life-blood of civilisation flowed.' Every castle 
and fortified village teemed with life and bristled 
with arms, and the traveller was frequently stopped 
and compelled to pay a heavy toll before he was 
able to proceed. 1 At an ' Austrian place ' on 
the river, the name of which is not disclosed, 
Mainwaring informs us he was detained for a 
time, but whether he effected his release by 
bribing the authorities or not we do not know. 
However, he was eventually able to continue his 
journey, reaching England on the 3rd of March, 
thirty-six days after leaving Venice. 2 The urgency 
of his mission did not permit of any delay, and 
Mainwaring, on learning that James was at 
Newmarket, immediately set out to interview 
him, and deliver Wotton's letter explaining the 

1 Quarterly Review, cii. 403. 

2 The journey in 1617 had occupied Contarini thirty- 
seven days. 


purport of the Venetian request. 1 The main 
portion of this letter is here reproduced. 2 

May it please your most Sacred Majesty. 

Since the late despatch of my Secretary unto your 
Majesty I have been called to the Palace, where the Prince 
by express order of the Senate caused to be read unto 
me (as their form is) a longer writing, and more solemnly 
couched, than they had done at any time before, since my 
last residence : containing a relation of their affairs as they 
now stand, and thereupon a serious request unto your 
Majesty, which they besought me to represent unto your 
gracious will, with those important reasons which did 
here move it. ... Now, their suit unto your Majesty 
hereon grounded, is : That as at other times, you have 
been pleased, by your Royal goodness to interest your 
self in their conservation (which they will ever be ready 
to acknowledge in any of your occasions), so at the 
present you will be likewise pleased to honour them, 
and to protect them, with the loan of four of your own 
vessels, that are otherwise not employed. Wherein, 
first they consider that your Majesty may do it without 
any just distaste of any other Prince whosoever : because 
they require this favour merely (as the Duke expressed 
unto me) for their own defence, not descending to any 
Individuum, and therefore it may be shadowed, if your 
Majesty so please, under the generality of guarding 
them against the African pirates 3 that swarm in strong 
number. . . . This is as much, as they have committed 
to the delivery of my pen, touching their own fears, 
and their recourse to your Majesty, which I have been 
the willinger to represent upon considering that your 
Majesty may do it without any charge to your self ; 
that your vessels suffer as much with lying still, as with 
use ; that you may have caution for their restitution, 
and limit the time at your pleasure. . . . The bearer 

1 Col. S.P. Venice, 1617-19, 769. 

2 Wotton's Letters (Roxburghe Club), 1850, pp. 103-7. 

3 An expedition against the Barbary pirates was a favourite 
excuse to cover up any sinister act in the early i7th century. 


of this letter is Sir Henry Mainwaring, who hath been 
here some weeks. And having had so confident intro- 
ducement with them, through your Majesty's recom- 
mendation of him by my Lord of Montgomery to their 
Ambassador Contarini, they have taken a singular 
liking of his person, and have proceeded so far as to 
communicate with him the purpose of their suit unto 
your Majesty : and after much conference besides about 
their own maritime service, they have finally let him 
return (for he refused any employment, that they could 
at the present give him) with a thankful recompense, 
for the charge of his journey, and an honourable testi- 
mony of their conceit of him to their ambassador. 

And so having discharged the present duty, I humbly 
commit your Sacred Person and Estates to God's continual 
guard. Ever resting, 

Your Majesty's most faithful 

poor subject and servant, 

From Venice, 

This 22nd of January. 

Style of England. 1618. 

As already stated, Mainwaring was the bearer of 
two letters from Sir Henry Wotton, and in his 
letter to Zouch the ambassador wrote in glowing 
terms of Mainwaring, on whom he bestowed the 
not inappropriate epithet of a ' redeemed Neptune.' 
This letter is here transcribed from the original in 
the Public Record Office x : 

I am very glad [Wotton wrote] of this opportunity, 
that by the hand of a gentleman who doth so entirely 
honour you, both in his continual speech and in his soul, 
I may revive also with your Lordship mine own long 

Wotton continues his letter with an account 
1 S.P. Venice, xxii. (P.R.O.), February 3, 1619. 


of his student days, and sums up the Venetian 
crisis thus : 

For the public affairs we stand here yet very am- 
biguously. The Land was long since quiet, but the 
sea, as the more movable element, is still in agitation ; 
and we are artificially kept at excessive charge by a 
mad Viceroy and a winking Pope, while the King of 
Spain, in the meanwhile standeth at the benefit of time 
and fortune, ready to authorize or disavow the event 
according to the success, which I take to be the sum of 
our case. But these things will be more particularly 
delivered to your Lordship by this redeemed Neptune 
as I have baptized him : for they here think him more 
than a man that knows so much more than themselves. 
And in truth, if any place had been vacant worthy of 
his sufficiency, there wanted no desire to hold him, as 
they have expressed by offers to himself, and declared in 
their letters by him to their ambassador ; and most 
of all in the confident communication of their affairs 
and desires with him, which likewise include some hope 
of their having him again, as your Lordship will perceive 
by the subject of my despatch to the King ; which he 

I must add hereunto for mine own part that I have 
been glad of this occasion, which hath given me a better 
taste of him, and of his fair and clear dispositions, then 
I could take at a transitory view when I passed my last 
duty with your Lordship in Canterbury. 1 

From the time that Mainwaring landed in 
England, the success of his mission does not 
appear to have been very hopeful. Donato, 
the Republic's ambassador in England, thought 
he would have no difficulty in obtaining four or 
five old ships, though the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury in the course of a conversation with the 

1 This is rather curious. Mainwaring was not officially 
pardoned till June 1616. Wotton reached England in the 
autumn of 1615, and left for Venice March 18, 1616. 


ambassador regarding the ships, certainly did 
not hold out much hope of the Venetian request 
being granted. ' Non esse honorificum, non esse 
tutum et esse novum committere naves Regias 
alieno Principi/ he informed Donato, ' because 
if they fell into the hands of an enemy with their 
arms and artillery, the King would be bound 
to recover them, and it was not becoming to 
entrust one's own forces in the hands of others/ 1 
Whatever the private opinion of the Arch- 
bishop may have been on the subject, the real 
difficulty lay not so much in the propriety of 
loaning the ships, as the possibility of being 
able to spare them at such a critical time. The 
fact was that James had a card of his own to 
play, which demanded the whole of his resources. 
The extensive naval preparations of Spain, and 
the activity of her ' mad viceroy,' had caused 
grave doubts in the mind of the English Govern- 
ment as to what the real intentions of the 
Spaniards were, and while Mainwaring was on 
his way from Venice, James had actually ordered 
six warships and several merchantmen to be 
immediately rigged and fitted out for special 
service. 2 Of this secret mobilisation, which was 
brought about by the alarming news from Spain, 
where every dockyard and arsenal in the Empire 
was busy equipping a powerful fleet, 3 neither 
the Republic nor Mainwaring were of course aware. 

1 Cal. S.P. Venice, 1617-19, No. 769. Donato to the Doge, 
7th March, 1619. Mainwaring became one of Donato's 
intimate friends, and being familiar with the Italian tongue, 
he acted as Donato's interpreter at court. Ibid. 148, 149, 151. 

2 S.P. Dom., James I, cv. 103. In the Bodleian there 
is an estimate, dated February 4, 1619, for fitting out sixteen 
serviceable ships in the Thames for seven months, with 
1440 men (Cal. of Clarendon State Papers, i. 13). 

3 Gardiner, History of England, iii. 286. 


The Spaniards had gathered together a large fleet 
of galleys, whose rendezvous was stated to be 
Messina, with the object of forcing a passage 
through the Gulf of Venice to Trieste. This, 
however, was believed to be but a cloak for some 
ulterior design. By some, her objective was 
thought to be an invasion of England, while 
our ambassador at the Hague expressed an 
opinion that the Spanish preparations ' tended 
to the invasion of some place where assistance 
is expected from the natives of the country/ 
which the Dutch believed to be Ireland. 1 

The Venetians, therefore, were not alone in their 
fear of the Spanish fleet, and throughout England 
preparations were set on foot to guard against 
a possible attack. James acted with com- 
mendable promptness and showed unusual 
activity in mobilising a part of the fleet. 
Ostensibly it was to sail against the pirates 
of Algiers, as Wotton had suggested, but 
great secrecy was preserved in its ultimate 
object and destination. Coke, one of the Navy 
Commissioners, wrote that ' in this preparation 
against pirates it may be conceived the state 
hath some further design/ and therefore it was 
desirable to carry it out by ' the trust of a few/ 
instead of by general warrants to all the Navy 
Commissioners. 2 We now know that the state 
had some further design, and that secret orders 
were issued to the fleet to enter the Mediterranean, 
and in the event of the Spaniards making sail 
in the direction of the Gulf of Venice they were 
to attack them. 3 Of the actual composition 

1 Sir Dudley Carleton's Letters, p. 342 ; S.P. Dom., James I, 
cv. 69. 

2 Hist. MSS. Com., 121, p. 104. 

3 Gardiner, Relations between England and Germany, i. xxxij. 


of the English fleet contemporary history is extra- 
ordinarily silent, but from a naval minute drawn 
up nearly fifty years after the event, 1 and hitherto 
unnoticed, in connection with an expedition 
against Spain, we know that it comprised some 
of the most formidable in the English Navy. Of 
the royal ships there were the Red Lion and 
Vanguard of 650 tons ; the Assurance of 600 tons ; 
the Speedwell of 400 tons ; and by a curious irony 
of fate, two ships that had originally been built 
for Raleigh, the Ark Royal of 800 tons, and the 
Destiny of 500 tons, built in i6i6. 2 The former 
was Nottingham's flagship against the Armada 
' the odd ship in the world for all conditions '- 
and the latter the ship in which Raleigh sailed 
on his ill-fated expedition to Guiana : a com- 
bination of circumstances which the superstitious 
might regard as an ill omen for Spain. The 
royal ships were manned with 1300 mariners 
and gunners, but of the others, consisting of five 
of the Cinque Ports and fourteen merchantmen, 
we know very little, except that the merchantmen 
carried 1200 seamen. 3 

Not only was the English fleet fitted out, but 
the troops in Devon and other maritime counties 
were mustered, and an effort was made to put 
the coast defences which were in a deplorable 
condition in a state to resist any attempted 
invasion of these islands. From Dover it was 

1 Entitled In the Voyage against ye Pirates of Algiers, 
anno 1618' (i.e. 1618-19). Printed in Charnock, ii. 271. 
Charnock never knew of the real object of the mobilisation, and 
remarks on ' the total silence of historians on the subject 
of it.' 

2 At the beginning of 1619 there were only fourteen ships 
in the Navy of 400 tons and over. 

3 Charnock, ii. 271. 


reported that there was a general fear of the 
Spaniards in the town, and that the castle and 
forts were unprovided, while the crippled state 
of the defences of Plymouth called for urgent 
measures to be taken by the Government. Money 
to man the coast defences was therefore called 
for, and the expense of equipping the fleet, con- 
sisting of twenty-five ships, was to be borne 
by an impost of 2 per cent, on imports and 
exports. 1 

The financial difficulty that England was 
confronted with called forth an ingenious 
suggestion from Mainwaring with regard to the 
Venetian request. It was addressed to the 
Marquis of Buckingham, who had just been 
appointed Lord High Admiral, and was to the 
effect that the Venetians being willing, at their 
own expense, to rig out the ships they borrow, 
the King might save expense by professing that 
he was no longer suspicious of the Spanish fleet, 
and would therefore desist in rigging his ships, 
but, that if the Republic wished they might 
complete them. The condition on which Main- 
waring stated the ships should be lent was that 
in the event of the Spanish fleet entering the 
Straits the English ships were to follow them; 
but on the other hand, if the Spaniards did not 
sail south the ships would be released by the 
Venetians, who would then have no further need 
for them. In the event of the Spanish prepara- 
tions never maturing, the King, Mainwaring 
pointed out, would then be free to use his ships 
against Algiers. 2 Here then was a happy solution 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cv. 84, 103, 108 ; cvii. 3. Corbett, 
England in the Mediterranean, i. pp. 89-90. 

2 Cal. S.P. Dom., James I, cv. 148. The original docu- 
ment is reprinted in Vol. II. 

I. F 


to the monetary problem, and at the same time 
an admirable plan for frustrating whatever move 
the Spaniards decided upon. In the event of 
their fleet entering the Mediterranean to attack 
Venetian territory, it was known that they must 
stop at Messina or on the coast of Sardinia in 
order to take on board several thousand troops 
that they had mustered there. 1 This, as Main- 
waring informed Buckingham, would enable the 
English ships to reach the Adriatic first. In 
the words of Sir Julian Corbett, ' Main waring' s 
suggestion for meeting the whole situation was 
as ingenious as his strategy was sound/ 2 Never- 
theless, James was loth to abandon a project 
which he had set his heart on accomplishing, that 
of checking the growing power of the Spaniards 
by sea, and at the same time protecting the 
interest of the allies in Germany, Venice, and 
Bohemia, 3 by a display of naval force in the 
Mediterranean. It is no small wonder, there- 
fore, that Mainwaring, though he found the 
King ' in a most excellent frame of mind ' towards 
the Venetians, and ' used all the arguments in 
his power ' to render James favourable, failed 
in the object of his mission, and returned from 
Newmarket on the I4th of March. 4 

Though the Venetian request was not granted, 
their anxiety for the welfare of the Republic 
was now allayed. While Mainwaring was 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cv. 148 ; Gardiner, England, iii. 187. 

2 Corbett, England in the Mediterranean, i. 94. 

3 Letter of Lord Danvers in the Bodleian, dated Feb. 3, 
1618-19 (Cal. of Clarendon State Papers, i. p. 13). In 
1618 a revolution broke out in Bohemia, which led to the 
disastrous European conflagration known as the Thirty Years' 
War. In 1619 James' son-in-law Frederick became King 
of Bohemia. 

4 Donato to the Doge, Cal. S.P. Venice, 1618-19, 784. 


negotiating with the King, they became aware 
of the real destination of our ' secret expedition/ 
and on the i_5th of March, through the agency of 
Sir Henry Wotton, they expressed their gratitude 
to James for resolving to send ' sufficient number 
of your own ships, as likewise other vessels belong- 
ing to the merchants of your kingdom, towards 
the coast of Spain to invigilate for the common 
safety over the preparations and designs of that 
King/ * 

James found his policy crowned with success. 
By the end of the month there were signs that the 
Spanish preparations were abating, and at the 
beginning of April the English ships were in 
consequence stayed. On the i8th the Council 
informed the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports 
that the King, for reasons best known to himself, 
' had decided to postpone the expedition against 
the pirates/ 2 

It therefore stands to the credit of James, 
that by his prompt action in ordering the fleet 
to be prepared for sea, he had shattered what- 
ever ambitions the Spaniards may have had, 
and although the ships that were to constitute 
the English fleet never actually left home waters, 
they proved to the world that ' besides being a 
fighting machine, a powerful navy is also a power- 
ful diplomatic asset/ 3 To cut Venice off from 
supplies and reinforcements by land did not 
present serious difficulties to Spain, but she 

1 Gardiner, Letters, &c., i. 49. 

2 Cal. S.P. Dom., James I, cviii. 15, 53. Curiously enough,- 
the Spaniards themselves declared their preparations were 
for an attack on Algiers, and had ' no manner of reference 
to our quarters ' (Letter dated Feb. 16, 1618-19, in Bishop 
Goodman's Memoirs, ii. 177). 

3 Corbett, i. 4. 


could never have hoped for a like success on sea 
while the English fleet were acting against her 
and keeping the sea routes open. 

On the 3oth of April the Doge thanked Wotton 
for his own and Main waring' s efforts on behalf 
of the Republic, and with this episode all hope 
of adventure and distinction in the Venetian 
service came to an end. 




ON Mainwaring's return from Venice, it was 
obvious that some post worthy of his acceptance 
would have to be found for him in England. A 
man of his adventurous spirit could not be 
expected to play the idle role of a courtier, and 
fortunately soon after his return an employment 
in which he could do service to the state happened 
to present itself that of Lieutenant of Dover 
Castle and Deputy Warden of the Cinque Ports. 

The early history of the Cinque Ports is closely 
allied with that of the Royal Navy : being the 
nearest harbours to the continent the state 
depended on their support in times of national 
peril, and in reward for their services in ships 
and men granted them certain privileges and 
honours. Though the position they occupied 
was originally of great importance, their status 
had considerably deteriorated by the beginning 
of the I7th century. Their decline was simul- 
taneous with that of the Navy, and the office 
of Lord Warden was conducted with scarcely 
more zeal and honesty than that of the 
Lord High Admiral. Patriots like Raleigh had 
drawn attention to the ' beggary and decay ' 
of the Ports, and Mainwaring had advocated the 


employment of some of the maritime population 
in repairing ' the castles and forts on the sea-coast/ 
which were ' miserably ruined and decayed/ 

Lord Zouch, who had held the office of Lord 
Warden since 1615, was old and infirm, and most 
of his time seems to have been passed at his 
country seat in Hampshire. Prior to his appoint- 
ment he had already seen considerable service 
under the crown, and, to relieve himself of the 
irksome duties of the Wardenship, he was on the 
look-out for a suitable person as his deputy at 
Dover. Main waring having been strongly recom- 
mended to him by Sir Henry Wotton, he decided 
to offer him the post, an offer which was gladly 
accepted. By the middle of February Main waring 
was installed in his new position, and on the 2ist 
of the month he wrote to Zouch thanking him 
for the appointment/ l 

I know your Lordship doth expect that it is fit that 
my works not words should express my dutiful thank- 
fulness to your Lordship in the careful and diligent 
following and performing of your Lordship's directions 
and commands. I will therefore spare your Lordship 
the labour of reading, and myself of writing in that 
theme, and strive to expel most devices of this age 
in sining, and doing according to the doctrine of love 
profest unto your Lordship. Wherein though 1 doubt 
not that my actions shall ever justify me in your good 
opinion and favour, and believe that all my works cannot 
merit the loss of your Lordship's so many noble, kind, 
and truly noble favours. . . . Let me beg leave of your 
Lordship to make this protestation from the bottom of 
my heart, and most sincere assertion of my soul, that no 
man shall serve your Lordship with more diligence, 
more love, or more honesty. And for those errors I 
may now at my first entrance commit (which yet I hope 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxii. 96. 


shall not be gross) for want of experience, I doubt not 
of your Lordship's pardon and patience, till a little time 
spent in diligent observation hath made me more able 
to do your Lordship service. 

He also gave particulars about the Boder l and 
Gunners of the Castle, and concluded his letter 
by asking Zouch to send ' as soon as conveniently 
may be, my companions and most beloved 
friends the books and instruments which your 
Lordship promised me/ 

What the duties of the Lieutenant were 
during the I7th century is uncertain, but, as his 
title indicates, he was the deputy of the Constable, 
and acted under his instructions. In an ancient 
code of laws drawn up for regulating the duties 
of the various officers of the Castle, the Lieutenant, 
the Clerk of the Exchequer, the Marshal, and 
others, were at stated times to survey the works 
and walls of the Castle, both within and without, 
and order any repairs that were necessary. It 
was also customary for the Lieutenant, when 
he came to reside in the Castle, to show the 
authority which had been exercised by his 
predecessors in office, by having the keys of the 
gates brought to him every night after the mount- 
ing of the guard. It is also interesting to note, 
that if the King came unexpectedly in the night, 
the great gates were not to be opened to him, 
but he was to go to the postern, called the King's 
gate, where he would gain admittance with some 
of his suite, the rest being admitted at sunrise. 
The porters at the gates were not to suffer any 
persons to enter until they had taken particular 
notice of them, and in the event of their being 

1 A very ancient office in the Castle ; the Boder 's chief 
duty seems to have consisted in executing the warrants 
of the Warden and Constable's courts (Statham, Dover, p. 305). 


strangers, the Constable or his Lieutenant was 
to be called. 1 

During the reign of James I the corporation 
of Dover surrendered to the crown all their 
claims upon ' the duties, droits, and waste lands 
belonging to the pier/ which the King vested in 
a special board consisting of the Lord Warden, 
his Lieutenant, and several others called 
assistants. 2 Full of zeal for his new post, one 
of Mainwaring's first efforts on taking up his 
residence at the Castle was to endeavour to put 
the defences on a sounder footing. The mounting 
of the guard was also unsatisfactory, and he asked 
leave to have two men to watch by night, and 
four by day. 3 At this period there were sworn 
watchmen, who had to keep ward in turns, and 
at the end of a month they were allowed to 
return to their houses, to attend to their lands, 
and to enjoy the rural amusements with their 
families and friends during the vacation. 4 

As a sign of the condition into which the 
national defences had sunk, it is worthy of note 
that the forts of the Castle were reported unpro- 
vided for ; the guns were without gunpowder, 
and in lieu of it ashes and sand were substituted ! 5 
Nor were the other castles of the Cinque Ports 
in a less lamentable condition, and the captains 
of three of them informed the Lord Treasurer 
that they had long petitioned for a supply of 
ordnance, and money for repairs, but without 
success. In consequence they were neither able to 
defend the coast from attacks of ships of war, 
nor defend their own merchantmen who sought 

1 Lyon, Dover, ii. 125, 134. 
* Statham, Dover, p. 115. 

3 S.P. Dom., James I, cxii. 109. 

4 Lyon, Dover, ii. 113. 

6 S.P. Dom., James I, cv. 108 ; cvii. 29. 


refuge there. 1 Although guns and powder were 
badly wanted in most of the forts throughout 
the kingdom, the Spanish ambassador was 
allowed to export a great quantity of powder at 
a time when there were rumours of a Spanish 
invasion of England. Had the Spaniards come, 
a contemporary wrote, ' the English would have 
had their throats cut.' 2 Although this expresses 
the feeling of the time, the nation was happily 
spared such a catastrophe, even supposing it to 
have been possible. At the moment, however, 
Spanish policy did not favour a war with England. 
The state of affairs in Bohemia, and the recent 
blow to her prestige in the Mediterranean, had 
forced her more than ever to seek the friendship 
of England, and early in 1620 Gondomar was 
once again despatched on a mission to James, 
with the Spanish marriage treaty in his pocket. 
On the 5th of March the ambassador landed 
at Dover, and the following letter announcing his 
arrival was immediately sent by Mainwaring 
to Zouch : 3 

Right Honourable The Spanish ambassador with his 
train landed at Dover this Sunday after dinner about two 
of the clock in the afternoon, being the 5th of this month. 
I understand 'tis the custom to acquaint your Lordship 
in post of such men's arrival, and therefore I have 
instantly despatched this away. News I know none, 
nor do I think it fit to attend the knowing of any, lest 
(your) Lordship should not have the first knowledge of 
his arrival. Humbly taking my leave I rest 

Your Lordships most humble 
and faithful servant, 

Dover Castle, this 5 of March, i6i9. 4 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxxviii. 109. 

2 Ibid., cv. 103, 140 ; cvii. 31. 3 Ibid., cxiii. 8. 
4 I.e. Old Style, really 1619-20. 


The ambassador's arrival in a small vessel 
which lacked ordnance did not permit of a salute 
being fired in his honour. The town also extended 
a very cold welcome to him, and the resources 
of the corporation would not admit of a banquet. 
Mainwaring, ever suspicious of his old enemy, 
went down to the beach to meet him, for which 
courtesy Gondomar offered to forgive him twelve 
crowns out of the million that he had taken 
from the subjects of the King of Spain, provided 
Mainwaring would make good the rest. 

I gave him no pieces at his landing [Mainwaring 
wrote], because he came in a little ship which had no 
ordnance to salute or give notice to the Castle. Therefore 
1 took no notice of him, but afterwards I went down to 
present myself unto him. He received me very kindly, 
and being merry with me so was willing now to come 
to a composition with me for the million of crowns 
which he said I owed the Spaniards, and that he would, 
for the favour I did him in coming, rebate me 12 crowns 
if I would pay him the rest. 1 

In spite of Gondomar 's courtly jest, it is to be 
presumed that they parted on good terms, for 
Mainwaring records that he ordered a salute of 
nine pieces to be fired on the ambassador's 
departure for London. 

Though thoroughly taken up with his work 
at the Castle, Mainwaring still found time to pursue 
his mathematical studies. In consequence of a 
hurried return from Venice, his books and instru- 
ments had been left behind, the loss of which 
prompted him to inquire again if Zouch would 
supply the deficiency. ' I pray you/ he wrote 
to Nicholas, z ' put my Lord in mind of my books, 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxiii. 10. 

* Ibid., cxiii. 25. Edward Nicholas, born 1593. In 
December 1618 he was appointed secretary to Lord Zouch, 


also of his rules or any mathematical instruments. 
My own are all left in my trunk at Venice/ 

Every precaution was taken during the reign 
of James I to guard against foreign spies and 
Jesuit emissaries landing in England. In the 
State Papers of the period are to be found many 
incidents connected with this watching of the 
coast. The guns being all dismounted at Dover 
Castle, one of the first things Mainwaring did 
was to exclude all foreigners from the gun-yard. 1 
The same vigilance was kept up in the other 
ports, and a recusant named Anthony Lynch 
was arrested on landing at Folkestone. He 
was sent to Dover Castle by the Mayor, and on 
the 3rd of April, 1620, Mainwaring reported the 
result of his examination to Zouch. It showed 
that Lynch was a native of Galway, who had 
been to Rouen while on his way to England. 
According to his own statement he had not 
conversed with Jesuit or other priests. When 
asked to take the oath of allegiance he professed 
not to understand it, but was finally prevailed 
upon to take the oath of supremacy. 2 Another 
recusant was Robert Whitmore who had been 
detained at Dover, and afterwards kept a close 
prisoner in the Castle. He excited the pity of 
Gondomar when he landed at Dover, and the 

and when Buckingham took over the Wardenship in 1624, 
he was continued in that office. In 1625 he was made 
Secretary to the Admiralty. During 1627-8 he repre- 
sented Dover in Parliament. He was knighted 26th Novem- 
ber 1641, and appointed principal Secretary of State. He 
died in 1669 (D.N.B.). 

1 S.P. Dom. t cxii. 96. In 1623 the brass ordnance in 
Dover Castle consisted of : Basilisco, i ; Canon per. 2 ; 
Sakers, 6 ; Mynions, 2 ; Fawcons, 5 ; Fawconetts, 2 (Add, 
MSS., 9294, f. 247). 

2 Ibid., cxiii. 81. 


ambassador begged Mainwaring that Whitmore 
might be allowed to exercise on the beach for 
the benefit of his health. 1 

Whatever the occasion demanded, whether 
it was the examination of strangers landing 
at Dover, or necessary repairs to the Castle, 
or anything that concerned the welfare of the 
Ports generally, nothing seems to have escaped 
Mainwaring's vigilance. 

His activity, however, by no means excluded 
his older interests, and about this time he obtained 
leave to come to London in connection with the 
business of the Virginia Company. 2 Two of his 
brothers were also connected with the enterprise 
at this period Sir Arthur, 3 and his younger 
brother Thomas. In a contemporary tract 
entitled : ' A declaration of the affairs of Virginia, 
with the names of the adventurers/ the former 
is shown as holding shares to the value of 25. 4 
Mainwaring's transactions with the Company 
show that on the i5th of May 1620 he received 
' one bill of Adventure of 10 shares ' from the 
Earl of Dorset, and at ' an extraordinary Court,' 
held on the 23rd of the month, he assigned over 
5 shares of land to Sir Edward Sackville, which 
the court ratified and confirmed. A Mr. Englebert 
had devised an ' engine ' for preserving the 
plantation of Virginia from force of arms, and on 
the 3ist of May the invention was submitted 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxiii. 30. 

2 This band of adventurers had; in 1606, been granted 
a charter by James I, ' to reduce a colony of sundry of our 
people into that part of America commonly called Virginia,' 
with power to occupy islands within 100 miles of the coast. 
(Neill, Virginia Co., p. 3). 

8 Sir Arthur was also one of the original incorporators of 
the North-west Passage Company in 1612. 
4 Published 22 July, 1620 (Force's Tracts, in.). 


to a committee, which had Mainwaring for one 
of its members. 1 

On his return he found that the Mayor of 
Dover had been abusing his office by selling 
licences to certain French fishing-vessels to fish 
at the Sowe, whereas the only persons authorised 
to grant them were the Warden or his Lieutenant. 2 
From the time of his appointment, Mainwaring 
was incessant in his demands regarding the 
improvements that were necessary at the Castle. 
His energy was untiring, but his endeavours 
met with little encouragement. On the I2th of 
June he informed Zouch that after much trouble 
he had obtained 117 towards the platforms, but 
was unable to obtain a like sum for the gun 
carriages and munitions. The contract to supply 
stone for the platforms had been given to a 
' quarry man of Fo wist on.' 3 

Among the old friends who took an early 
opportunity of visiting him at Dover was Sir 
Henry Wotton, and on the I2th of June 1620 
Mainwaring wrote to Zouch regarding Sir Henry, 
enclosing at the same time a copy of a sonnet, 
written by the latter in honour of the Queen 
of Bohemia, the daughter of James I. 

I expect Sir Henry Wotton at Dover towards the 
latter end of this week. From him I brought letters 
to my Lord and Lady Wotton. He goes (ambassador) 
extraordinary to the Duke of Saxony, the Duke of 
Bavaria, the United Princes, and the King of Bohemia, 
and Venice. Being in Greenwich Park he made a sonnet 
of the Queen of Bohemia which he sent by me to the 

1 Virginia Co. of London Records, ed. Kingsbury, 1906, i. 
344, 364, 365. On 22 May 1622 Mainwaring passed over two 
shares to his brother Thomas. 

* S.P. Dom., James I, cxiii. 81. 

3 Ibid., cxv. 69. I.e. Folkestone. 


Lady Wotton ; the copy I have sent your Lordship. 
'Twill be a good exercise for your Lordship's two choristers, 
Mr. Fookes and Mr. North, to set it to a sound, 1 

Unfortunately the copy which Mainwaring speaks 
of is not to be found among the State Papers 
in the Public Record Office. The poem in question, 
' On his Mistress, the Queen of Bohemia,' is 
familiar to all lovers of English poetry, but the 
date of its composition has hitherto been open 
to doubt. By Mainwaring's letter we are now 
able to fix definitely the year of its composition, 
and incidentally to note the interesting fact that 
it was written in Greenwich Park. One of the 
earliest versions of the poem is that printed in the 
' Reliquiae Wottonianae,' 1651, which the Rev. 
Alexander Dyce has reprinted with notes in his 
edition of Wotton's poems. It is here given z : 

You meaner beauties of the night, 
That poorly satisfy our eyes 

More by your number than your light, 
You common people of the skies, 
What are you when the moon shall rise ? 

You curious chanters of the wood, 
That warble forth dame Nature's lays, 

Thinking your passions understood 

By your weak accents, what's your praise 
When Philomel her voice shall raise ? 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxv. 69. 

2 Wotton, Poems, 1843 (Percy Soc.). It has been a 
favourite theme for imitators. Allan Ramsay printed a 
version of it, with three additional stanzas, in his Tea-table 
Miscellany, 1763, pp. 403-4, stating that ' The following song 
is said to be made in honour of Mary Queen of Scots.' Robert 
Chalmers, also ignorant of the authorship, printed it in his 
Scottish Songs, 1829, ii. 631, as if ' written by Lord Darnley 
in praise of the beauty of Queen Mary, before their marriage.' 
He omitted the last stanza, but printed three additional. 


You violets that first appear, 

By your pure purple mantles known, 

Like the proud virgins of the year, 
As if the spring were all your own, 
What are you when the rose is blown ? 

So when my mistress shall be seen 
In form and beauty of her mind, 

By virtue first, then choice, a queen, 
Tell me, if she were not designed 
Th' eclipse and glory of her kind ? 

This beautiful little poem 1 is probably without 
equal for its elegance and simplicity, and Sir Henry 
Wotton at the time of its composition was fifty- 
two years of age. He was about to be employed 
by the Queen on a mission to Germany, and the 
poem really proceeded from the feeling of chivalrous 
loyalty that he felt towards her. Sir Henry seems 
to have formed an extraordinary attachment 
to her merit and fortunes ; and it is recorded 
that on one occasion he gave away a jewel worth 
1000 that" had been presented to him, because 
the giver was an enemy to his royal mistress. 

In the July following Mainwaring was again 
in London interviewing the various officials of 
the Exchequer and Ordnance ' concerning the 
provision of Dover Castle/ On the I5th of the 
month he wrote to Zouch from Clerkenwell, 
stating that he had hoped to have called on him 
' this Saturday at Bramshill/ but that his attend- 
ance concerning the provision of Dover Castle was 

1 The poem was set to music by Michael Est, and published 
in 1624, in his ' Sixt Set of Bookes Wherein are Anthemes for 
Versus and Chorus of 5 and 6 parts, apt for Violls and Voyces. 
Newly composed by Michael Est, Batchelar of Musicke and 
Master of the Choristers of the Cathedral Church in Litchfield ' 
(Rimbault, Bibl, Madrigaliana, p, 48), 


' so tedious that I shall not have fully despatched 
it before Monday night, so that Thursday after, 
being the Court day at Dover, I shall not have 
time betwixt those days to wait on your Lordship 
otherwise than by letter/ 1 Two days later, 
however, he is found back at Dover, where, during 
his absence, he reported to Zouch that one Ned 
Kemp of Dover had challenged a native of 
Canterbury, Fotherby by name, to go over to 
Gravelines to fight a duel. The continuance of the 
Mayor of Dover's opposition to Zouch's and his 
own authority had caused him to inflict a fine 
of 5 on the master of a vessel belonging to the 
Mayor, for refusing to lower her flag to the Castle. 2 

In 1620 an expedition was fitted out to operate 
against the pirates, and Zouch was commanded 
by the King to impress 100 mariners in Kent. 
Each of the Cinque Ports failed to provide the 
number required of them, and the expedition, 
which was to have sailed on the ist of August, 
was in consequence delayed. Eight days later 
the necessary men had not been impressed, and 
Zouch gave instructions for a search to be made 
throughout the county for mariners who had 
fled inland. 3 

Though Mainwaring had been Lieutenant of 
Dover Castle for less than a year, he had filled his 
position so well that the Corporation proposed 
to mark their appreciation of his services by 
nominating him as one of their Burgesses for 
the Parliament summoned to meet at Westminster 
on the i6th of January 1621. Before, however, he 
could be nominated as a Burgess, it was necessary 
for the Common Council to make him a Freeman. 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxvi. 31. 

2 Ibid., cxvi. 32, 43. 

3 Archaeologia Cantiana, 10, cxxiv. 


On the 7th of December he informed Zouch of 
the proposed honour. 

The Mayor of Dover told me that they have purposed 
to elect me for their Burgess, but I cannot be chosen 
unless first they call a Common Council to make me a 
Freeman, which they would willingly do altogether, 
therefore I would humbly beseech your Lordship, if 
it may stand with your Lordship's good liking, that 
they may receive their summons for electing the Burgesses 
before I come up, which I purpose shall be when my 
Lord Wotton comes. They tell me I cannot take my 
oath of a Freeman but before the Common Council of 
the Town, and so must the other Burgess whom your 
Lordship shall nominate. 1 

Sir Richard Young was the burgess nominated 
by Zouch, and both he and Main waring were 
returned for Dover on the gth of January. 2 This 
Parliament, the third of James I, was destined 
to be shortlived, and there is no evidence that 
Mainwaring took an active part in its proceedings, 
before it was dissolved on the 8th of February 
1622. In the March following his election, he 
reported the wreck of a large vessel, the Ark 
Noah, on the Goodwins. Coming from Hamburg 
she carried a very valuable cargo, which included 
4000 in coin. This, Mainwaring complained, 
was saved from the wreck, and kept at Deal 
Castle by Thomas Fulnetby, Serjeant of the 
Admiralty of the Cinque Ports, who refused to 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxviii. 14. A copy of the oath taken 
by a Freeman of the Cinque Ports is given in Oldfield's Parlia- 
mentary History of Great Britain, v. 361. On the 1st 
of January 1621, the Mayor of Dover wrote to Zouch that 
he would gladly spare Sir R. Young the trouble of coming 
to Dover to take his oath as a freeman, but there was no 
precedent for taking the oath by commission (S.P. Dom., 
James I, cxix. 2). 

* Return of Members of Parliament. 


have it conveyed to Dover as was then the custom. 
At this insubordination, Main waring was very 
indignant, and he enclosed to his ' very worthy 
friend Mr. Edward Nicholas ' the following letter, 
which he requested should be delivered to Lord 
Zouch with all speed. 1 Zouch was on a bed of 
sickness at the time, and Main waring seems to 
have thought that the sight of the money bags 
would have revived his drooping spirits. 

LORD, I arrived at Deal by 9 of the clock at night 
being Wednesday night, where I find Thomas Fulnetby 
safely guarded and his watch all awake, which I think was 
not usual, but I believe he is more afraid of losing the 
money than the Castle. For the quantity of it, there are 
80 bags, among which I know are bags of ioo/. or more, 
some of 30^. or thereabout ; we suppose it in all to be about 
the matter of 4000^. I am instantly carrying it away 
to Dover Castle according to your Lordship's direction. 
Also, there were saved 40 casks of cinnamon . . . the 
casks are commonly worth jl. or 81. a piece, and pepper, 
4 bags. I will stay at Dover till I receive your Lord- 
ship's further directions concerning the money which 
I now wish in your Lordship's Chamber, the sight of 
which I think would do your Lordship more good than 
a draught of the doctor's aurum potabile, 2 so humbly 
kissing your Lordship's hand I rest, 

Your Lordship's most humble servant, 

r , ,7 f , , 7 H. MAINWARING. 

Deal mis 15 of March. 

Written up the left-hand side of the letter is 
this hurried postscript : 

MY LORD, After I had sealed you this packet, 
Fulnetby asked me if I had any warrant from your 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxx. 22. 

a Aurum potabile, ' drinkable gold, that is gold held in a 
state of minute subdivision in some volatile oil. It was 
formerly in repute as cordial ' (Oxf. Eng. Diet.). 


Lordship to have it from him, and told me he had com- 
mand from your Lordship not to deliver any without 
your Lordship's special warrant. It hath been ever 
certified that the serjeant was subordinate to the Lieu- 
tenant and I hope your Lordship will ever let it be so, 
for else it will much take off from my reputation in 
particular. He is your Lordship's servant, but shall 
never prove the more faithful than I am myself. I am 
not willing to oppose him, but humbly beseech your 
Lordship's warrant that he may see I come not without 
command, and that he may know from your Lordship 
that I am to command the money, therefore now I shall 
rest at Deal till I hear from your Lordship. 

What eventually became of the money is 
not recorded, but the incident was the beginning 
of one of the many quarrels between Mainwaring 
and Fulnetby. 

At the beginning of April Mainwaring again 
journeyed to London to consult with the various 
officials of the ordnance, endeavouring to hasten 
the much delayed supplies for Dover Castle. 
These interviews were far from satisfactory, 
and he wrote that Lord Carew would not give 
out the necessary stores without Zouch's warrant. 
At the time he happened to be in London an 
attack was made on ' Old Don Diego/ as he 
dubbed the Ambassador Gondomar, an account 
of which he forwarded to Zouch. 1 

LORD, I had made use of your Lordship's leave to go 
to my friends in the country, but that I knew it was my 
duty to despatch such business as does belong to my place 
wherein it hath pleased your Lordship to make me your 
Lordship's servant. I attended therefore the delivery 
and the expedition for our store at the Castle which 
till yesterday I could get no answer of, for my Lord Carew 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxx. 69. 


hath kept his chamber and taken physic, so that I 
could not till then speak with any. And now he says I 
must, according to the direction in his letter from the 
Lords to him, have an assignment from your Lordship. 
And then I must apply for them at the Tower, so that I 
cannot go by any means till that be despatched, it being 
now so convenient and necessary to be performed. I 
humbly expect your Lordship's answer and according to 
my duty will ever prefer your Lordship's service before 
any private occasions of my own. 

On Easter day Old Don Diego went to see the 
Ambassador of Pole. In Fenchurch Street, he being 
in his horse litter, divers prentices and men did come 
to his litter with stones in their hands and shaked them 
at him (but did not fling any) and called Dog and Devil. 
The King is much offended with them who did it and 
swears they shall be severely punished. 1 

Yesterday the Prince and the Lords tilted but the 
King saw it not. The Prince and my Lord of Dorset 
did best, the Prince broke n staves 2 and Dorset 12. 

This is all the news I can advertise your Lordship 
of, saving that, on Easter day it was much noted that the 
King sent no meat from his table to the Marquis, 3 which 
is the strangest news of all. The Marquis is gone to 
Lincoln to a horse race. 

I dined on Monday with my Lord of Canterbury, 4 

1 Gondomar was not slow in informing James of the 
affront. Three of the offenders were whipped through the 
streets at a cart's tail, as a result of which one of their number 
died (Nichols, Progresses of James I, iv. 661). 

3 This word is illegible in the original; but is probably 

3 George Villiers, Marquis (afterwards Duke) of Buck- 

* George Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury. He was the 
cause of an unfortunate accident when he did visit Zouch. 
On the 24th of July in this year, while shooting at a buck 
with a crossbow in Bramshill Park, he had the misfortune 
to kill one of the keepers. Abbot was greatly distressed at 
the occurrence, and prescribed a monthly fast for himself on 
the day of the accident, besides settling 20 a year on the 


who^commands his best love unto your Lordship. He 
means to visit your Lordship this summer. 

I shall ever be glad to hear of your Lordship's good 
health, which I daily pray for as the greatest blessing that 
can befall myself. And therefore most humbly recom- 
mending your Lordship to the protection of the Almighty, 
I humbly kiss your Lordship's hand and rest, 

Your Lordship's most humble servant, 

London the 6 April, 1621. 

I humbly beseech your Lordship to be pleased to 
return the Lord's letter with the assignity. 

On receipt of this letter Zouch despatched 
the necessary warrant to his Lieutenant. Armed 
with this, Mainwaring obtained a further inter- 
view with the authorities, and impressed upon 
them the necessity for prompt action. The 
9th of July 1621 he informed Zouch how far he 
had been successful in his endeavours to obtain 
supplies for the Castle. 

I went to my Lord Treasurer in your Lordship's 
name for a supply for the reparations of the Castle, 
acquainting him with the necessity of some reparations 
for those parts, that thereafter it might not lay on your 
Lordship's servants if any fault should be found. He 
told me that after the King was gone to his progress he 
would have me come to him and he would do what he 
could, and told me that he had purposed to pull down 
20 castles to save the King charges. 1 

Mainwaring then continues his letter with an 
account of the assizes at Maidstone, and also 
gives us an interesting sidelight on the French 

man's widow (D.N.B.). A copy of Mainwaring's Seaman's 
Dictionary in manuscript, dedicated to the Archbishop, is 
in Lambeth Palace Library. 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxxii. 8. 


refugees that were settled in Dover. They are 
first heard of at Dover on the 4th of June, when 
John Reading, the rector of St. Mary's Church, 
wrote to Zouch asking permission for them ' on 
certain days to use our church/ * That this 
request was granted is shown by the extract 
from Mainwaring's letter given below. 

The Wednesday after your Lordship's departure 
I set forward to Maidstone, where the Assizes began on 
the Thursday. 2 There were divers in for manslaughter. 
Two women indicted for murdering their own children 
at the birth, but all cleared by favourable jury. Two 
men condemned for burglary by day and one for a 
felony who is this day to be executed with the other. 
Saturday night I came to Canterbury and stayed all 
Sunday with my Lord Wotton, 3 who with my Lady doth 
remember his service unto your Lordship, and was 
much joyed to hear that your Lordship means to come 
into his parts the next summer. . . . This Monday 

1 In 1621 the Protestants of France rose in revolt, but 
their appeal to arms proved very disastrous, and within a 
few months refugees began to arrive in this country. There 
is a return furnished by the French Church at Dover of the 
number of refugees in the town, October 26, 1621, also a 
similar list for 1622 (Huguenot Soc. Proc., Hi. pp. 129-132, 

2 From the beginning of the iyth century the Kent 
assizes were generally held at Maidstone. There is a curious 
sketch of the Upper and Lower Court Houses at Maidstone 
in 1623, showing them supported on pillars, in J. M. Russell's 
History of Maidstone, p. 280. 

3 Edward, First Baron Wotton (1548-1626), half brother 
to Sir Henry Wotton. In 1597 he was an unsuccessful 
candidate for the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports. During 
the early years of James I he was Lord Lieutenant of Kent. 
His residence, ' The Ruins, Canterbury/ was on the site of 
the old St. Augustine's monastery. A spacious mansion, with 
beautiful grounds and gardens, was made up of the old 
structure which came into the possession of the Wotton family 
in the early part of the I7th century. 


morning I arrived at Dover, where I find Omnia et omnes 
bene. Here are some hundred French or thereabouts 
in all. They have here two ministers which preach 
twice on Sundays in St. Mary's Church before and after 
Mr. Reading, and once on the Thursday. They live 
well here without any charge to the town, and some are 
of good quality, but as yet I have not seen any of them. 

The influx of these Protestant refugees into 
Dover stirred the sympathies of the townspeople, 
and besides providing them with a place to 
worship in, they did everything in their power 
to help them. By October of this year their 
community had grown to 272 persons. A census 
of all the refugees in the Ports was afterwards 
ordered, and Main waring requested the Mayor 
and Jurats of Hythe to furnish him with a return 
of the strangers there. On the 28th of April 
1622 they sent Mainwaring the following letter, 
giving the required information. 

RIGHT WORSHIPFUL, We received your letter 
whereby you require to be speedily certified what strangers 
are resident and inhabiting here amongst us, in per- 
formance whereof these are to certify you that here are 
inhabiting and resident in this town the strangers here- 
after named (and none other), viz. : 

John Jacob alias van de Stat who professeth practise 
in physick, planting, and gardening ; also he occupyeth 
some marshland in Romney Marsh, and manureth the 
same with sheep, and some other land he soweth with 
flax : he had a stranger father and (as he saith) was 
born in Flanders. Philip van de Walle, who is by trade 
a woolcomer and professeth the same : he sometimes 
deals in merchandise and keeps a shop of small wares 
here ; he was born of strangers parents at Sandwich : 
And these two have inhabited here by the space of seven 
years together last past. 

Peter Morter, who is by trade a cooper and (as he 
saith) was born in Flanders, and about nine years of 


his age came over into England, and he hath dwelt here 
about twenty- two years together last past. 

To all which persons we have imparted the tenure 
of your letter, and also of the copy of Sir Robert Heath's 1 
letter, and so remembering our duties unto you we 

Your assured loving friends, 

Hythe, 28 April, 1622. 

To the Right Worshipful Sir Henry Mainwaring, Knight, 
Lieutenant of Dover Castle. 2 

A similar request was also sent to the Mayor 
and Jurats of Rye, who on the 3rd of May in- 
formed Mainwaring that two Dutchmen, three 
Frenchmen, twenty women, and thirty children 
were the only strangers resident there. 3 

In the May of this year, 1622, there were 
signs of the rebellion in France coming to an 
end, and most of the fugitives seemed to have 
returned to their own country, only 91 remaining 
in Dover. 4 

The post of Lieutenant of Dover Castle was 
by no means a sinecure, and in order to keep 
in touch with the happenings at the various 
ports and their members, it was necessary for 
Mainwaring to make frequent journeys from the 
Castle. In the September of 1621, in company 
with the Mayor of Dover, Robert Garrett, he paid 
a visit to Margate in order to ascertain the extent 
of the damage done there by the encroachment 

1 Recorder of London, and afterwards Solicit or- General. 

* S.P. Dom., James I, cxxix. 66 (cited in Huguenot Soc. 
Proc., iii. 134). 

8 Ibid., cxxx. ii. A list of the Protestant refugees in 
the Cinque Ports at this period will be found in Mr. W. P. 
Cooper's List oj Foreign Protestants, pp. 12-17. 

* Huguenot Soc. Proc., iii. 134. 


of the sea. Eighteen houses had been washed 
away, while seventy-four others and some 350 
acres of land were in the same danger. In their 
report they informed Zouch that the jetty 
built adjoining the pier was the cause of the 
danger. To remedy the evil it was proposed 
to erect two jetties, and Zouch expressed an 
opinion that the profits of the pier should go 
towards defraying the cost of the work. This 
somewhat alarmed the pier wardens, who 
petitioned him, stating that the pier was poor, 
and as the two previous ones had been washed 
away, whatever profits accrued they needed 
for its upkeep. It was necessary to hurry the 
work on before the winter storms, and Main- 
waring stated that the pier wardens, though 
unwilling, should be made to bear the charge. 
Accordingly, a tax of 2231. os. 6d. was levied on 
the pier and the houses endangered, but as this 
sum proved inadequate, a further levy was 
eventually made. 1 

One of the great difficulties encountered in 
the administration of the Cinque Ports was that 
of finding sufficient seamen for the King's service. 
Though formerly the ports had responded nobly 
to whatever calls were made upon them, the 
same sentiment seems to have been lacking 
during the seventeenth century. A typical case 
was that of the Constable of Sandwich, Henry 
Foster, who strenuously refused to assist in 
impressing mariners for the King's ships, and 
in consequence was arrested. While being con- 
veyed to Dover Castle he managed to escape 
from his escort, who spent several days in an 
unsuccessful attempt to capture him. Main- 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxxii. 57, 105, 119 ; cxxix. 4. 


waring thereupon wrote to the Mayor of Sandwich 
reproving him for allowing the Constable to 
escape, and cautioned him to amend his ways, 
'lest evil construction be put on his conduct.' * 

Numerous instances are to be found in the 
State Papers at this period of the conviction 
of French fishing vessels, who had been caught 
fishing at the Sowe, without licences and with 
unlawful nets. In the February of 1622, Zouch 
commissioned Mainwaring, with the Mayor and 
Jurats of Rye, to try some of these cases, and 
in the event of finding the fishermen guilty, they 
were to inflict a fine of ' ten French crowns the 
master of each boat, two crowns French every 
servant in the boats/ 2 The fishery was under 
the direct jurisdiction of the Lord Warden, and 
Mainwaring was fully aware of the disadvantages 
of allowing the French to fish there. In 1630 
he presented a discourse on the subject to Sir 
John Coke, pointing out how the prosperity of 
the town of Rye had suffered from the intrusion 
of the French on its fishing-ground. 3 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxxii. 120, 143. 

* Ibid., cxxvii. 143. A French crown was the common 
English name in the iyth century for the French ecu, 
equivalent to about 45. 6d. (Mundy Travels, i. 120, note). A 
licence to fish at the Sowe is printed verbatim in Fulton's 
Sovereignty of the Sea, 749-50. 

8 It is printed for the first time in Vol. II. 




DURING 1623 negotiations for the Spanish match, 
which had been laboured for many years, were 
reopened, and the intended betrothal of Prince 
Charles to the Infanta of Spain became the one 
topic of discussion. 1 In the February of that 
year Mainwaring, by the King's request, was sent 
to Calais to bring over the Infanta's ambassador, 
Boischot, 2 and while fulfilling this little diplomatic 
mission he was one of the chief actors in an 
amusing episode, which is worth relating in full. 
Early in the year the Prince and Buckingham 
had announced their intention to James of making 
a journey incognito to Madrid. On the I7th of 
February, after binding the King to secrecy, 
they started, the Prince giving out that he was 
going to hunt at Theobalds, and the Duke that 
he was about to ' take physic at Chelsea/ 3 That 
same night they proceeded to Buckingham's 

1 James' son-in-law, Frederick, after a crushing defeat 
before Prague in 1620, had been driven out of Bohemia, and 
before the end of 1622 the whole of the Palatinate was in the 
hands of the Spaniards. James hoped by marrying his son to 
the Infanta that the Spaniards would restore the Palatinate. 

z S.P. Dom., James I, cxliii. 64. 

* Aikin, James I, ii. 322. 



seat at Newhall in Essex. The following morning 
they were astir early, and after disguising them- 
selves with false beards, and assuming the names 
of John and Tom Smith, they rode through 
Kent, attended by Buckingham's Master of the 
Horse, Sir Richard Graham. The only others 
who were aware of the identity of the masqueraders 
were two of the Prince's suite, Sir Francis Cotting- 
ton and Endymion Porter, who were instructed 
to have a vessel in readiness at Dover to carry the 
Prince to France. On reaching Gravesend, Charles 
and his companions were imprudent enough to 
bestow a gold piece of two and twenty shillings 
on the man who ferried them across. This 
unheard-of generosity ' struck the poor fellow 
into such a melting tenderness/ that out of 
consideration for their persons, he informed 
the authorities of what he believed to be duellists 
who were crossing the Channel to settle an affair 
of honour. 1 Their fair riding cloaks, and the 
temporary loss of one of their false beards added 
to the suspicion, and in consequence messengers 
were sent to detain them at Rochester, but 
before the information arrived, Charles and 
Buckingham had passed through the town. 2 
On the brow of the hill beyond Rochester a 
royal equipage and a cavalcade of horsemen 
were seen approaching. Here was an unlooked- 
for danger, for the royal coach contained no 
less a dignitary than the Ambassador Boischot, 
whom Mainwaring and Sir Lewis Lewkenor, 
Master of the Ceremonies, were escorting from 
Calais to London. There was no time to be lost, 
and Charles and his companions, fully realising 
the possibility of detention, put spurs to their 

1 Wotton, Reliquae, 1685, 212. 

* S.P. Dom., James I, cxxxviii. 59. 


horses and fled, which situation, as Sir Henry 
Wotton humorously records, ' made them baulk 
the beaten road, and teach post hackneys to 
leap hedges/ * Such a spectacle can better be 
imagined than described, and Mainwaring, be- 
lieving them to be two of Barneveldt's sons, 
who had been involved in the attempted assassina- 
tion of the Prince of Orange, sent with all speed 
after them to Canterbury, where they were 
detained by the mayor. 2 Mainwaring's own 
account of the adventure is given in his despatch 
to Zouch, written from London on the 22nd of 
February, in which he says : 

Coming towards London hoping to have seen your 
Lordship there to despatch some business which I left, 
we meet three disguised with hoods and false beards, 
and presently after followed one from Gravesend to tell 
Sir Lewis Lewkener and myself that they came out of 
Essex, and would not leave at the ordinary bridge, and 
had false beards and pistols, which suspicious fashion 
made me send a packet after them to stay them. We 
have not got any answer of the Prince's landing. 3 

It was not until Buckingham had removed 
his disguise, and assured the Mayor of Canterbury 
that he was going to Dover in his capacity of 
Lord High Admiral to make a private inspec- 
tion of the fleet, that they were allowed to proceed. 
The night of the i8th was spent at Dover, where 
Cottington and Porter had a ship in readiness, 
and early next morning they set sail for Boulogne. 4 

1 Wotton, Reliquae, 213. 

8 S.P. Dom., James I, cxxxviii. 51. 

3 Ibid., cxxxviii. 51. Mainwaring's name figures largely 
in Ainsworth's Spanish Match, i. pp. 100-12. 

4 On the 2ist they arrived in Paris, and on the following 
evening Charles and Buckingham gained admittance to a 
masque in which the Queen and Princess Henrietta Maria 


No sooner was the Prince's escapade known 
than its danger was realised. The condition 
in which our relations with Spain were at the time 
made it obviously highly detrimental to the 
British position that such hostages should be 
placed in Spanish hands, for mediaeval methods 
of diplomacy were not yet obsolete. Something 
clearly had to be done at once, not only to secure 
the truants' speedy return, but also to deter 
Spain from taking advantage of their indis- 
cretion. Accordingly preparations for fitting out 
a fleet were at once set on foot. Ostensibly, of 
course, it was to fetch the Prince home in due 
state, but in reality this was but a thinly veiled 
disguise for a formidable naval demonstration, 
such as that with which James had forced the 
King of Spain's hand four years earlier. Its 
significance is shown in the estimate prepared 
by the Navy Commissioners, in which they 
required a sum of 17,43^. los. for setting forth 
eight ships and two pinnaces ' in a warlike 
manner ' to the coast of Spain for five months. 1 
As we see, it was to go in considerable force, 
and Mainwaring, on account of his ' abilities for 
such a service,' was strongly recommended for 
the post of flag-captain to the admiral. James 
had informed the Venetian republic, when recom- 
mending Mainwaring to their service in 1618, 
that if any similar naval command occurred 
at home, he would employ Mainwaring before 
others, and he was now about to fulfil that promise. 

(whom Charles eventually married) were taking part. The 
next morning before daybreak the Prince and Buckingham 
set out on their way to Bayonne ; and about 8 o'clock in 
the evening of March 7th they arrived at Madrid. 
1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxxxviii. 50. 


On the 28th of February Sir Robert Naunton 
sent the following letter to Sir Edward Conway, 
' one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries/ 
in favour of Main waring being given the appoint- 
ment ' 1 : 

This gentleman, Sir Henry Mainwaring, hath a desire 
to go Captain in the Admiral that is to go for Spain. 
My Lord of Rutland tells him he shall be very willing and 
glad to rest upon him for the execution of that charge, 
so far as it shall lie in him to dispose of it. But because 
the choice of so important a Minister to such a trust 
is fittest to be made by his Majesty's own person, so 
hath earnestly requested to be recommended to your 
noble favour by my mediation, out of the notice which 
he hath taken of my many obligations to you. Which 
office I have taken the rather, upon the assurance I have 
long had of his abilities for such a service, and withal 
out of my privity to those extraordinary testimonies 
with which his Majesty was pleased to grace and recom- 
mend him to a place of important command and charge 
to the State of Venice by my pen, wherein he gave me 
this particular instruction to assure that State, that he 
would have committed any like employment by sea 
unto his performance before others, if any occasion had 
been offered him of that nature. My due zeal to the 
public service hath likewise concurred in my making you 
this motion, which I hope his Majestic will consider 
graciously of and thank you for putting him in mind of 
so able and worthy a gentleman. 

On the 3rd of March, Mainwaring himself 
wrote to Conway to the effect that the Earl of 
Rutland had promised him the captain's place. 2 
This information he begged might not reach the 
ears of Lord Zouch, whose displeasure he had 
incurred, as the following letter written from 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxxxviii. 113. 

2 Ibid., cxxxix. 20. 


Bramshill clearly shows. 1 In it Zouch requested 
him to resign his post as Lieutenant of Dover 
Castle, accusing him of going to Canterbury 
without leave ; sleeping in the town instead of 
the Castle ; and assaulting a man in the street. 

MR. LIEUTENANT, I received a letter from you 
from Dover, but presently after I received another 
from one who signified you were gone to Canterbury. I 
am sorry Dover doth please you so little. When I 
placed you there I purposed to make it a comfort both 
to you and myself ; but to me I find it not, neither do 
I think you do, but sith you do not, me thinketh in good 
nature you should consigne it to me againe that I might 
take more comfort therein than now I do. 

I have not heard of a Lieutenant of Dover Castle 
that hath made all Kent talk of him for women's 
matters ; nor that after he had such a place would go 
to cuffs, nor leave the Castle to lie in the Town. These 
disorders trouble me much but not you, otherwise it would 
make a change either of the place or of you in the place ; 
but sith it doth not I pray you resign the place to me 
again, or else I must press you to your promise, for 
I assure you I would have been there myself in these 
troublesome times ; which I cannot do (as I found the 
last summer) by reason of my often removing and 
especially of my stuff, but if you will remove I will 
presently send stuff down and not tarry long after. 
I pray you therefore accept of my kind desire to part 
fair, for (unless you change much) I must take another 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxxxix. 121. Bramshill House in 
the parish of Eversley, Hants. The original house was built 
by Thomas Foxley between 1351 and 1360. It was purchased 
by Lord Zouche in 1605. He rebuilt it and entertained 
James I there in 1620. This noble example of Stuart archi- 
tecture is in existence at the present day. Several letters 
written to Mainwaring from Bramshill are among the State 
Papers. The History of Bramshill has been written by 
Sir W. H. Cope, in whose family the mansion has been since 
the i8th century. 

1623 ltl SFANl^tl MAILO. 97 

course, and therefore hoping you will accordingly both 
think of this, and your promises to me, I rest 

Your loving friend, 

/ IN 

From my house in Bramshill Park, 17 Martii, i622. 2 

These alleged misdemeanours, trivial though 
they are, appear to have been the outcome of 
jealousy. The charges were brought against him 
by those to whom his strict discipline was ever 
apparent, and Richard Marsh, the Clerk of Dover 
Castle, seems to have been one of that number, 
who seized on any incident that would be likely to 
injure the Lieutenant in the eyes of the Warden. 
On the 3rd of March he wrote 3 : 

When I arrived at Gravesend to come homeward 1 
found Mr. Lieutenant thither come with the Ambassador 
of the Archduchess. The next day after I was gone 
Mr. Hemsley here in the street met with Mr. Lieutenant, 
and after some difference between them they fell together 
(without weapons) tumbling in the street. And on their 
parting, in came Mr. Lieutenant with his weapon and 
gave Hemsley a wound on the head. 

On the gth of April Mainwaring replied to 
Zouch's letter and defended himself from these 
accusations. 4 He writes : 

Your Lordship's first letter did so much amaze me 
that I know not well what I have done ever since, much 
less I could not settle or compose myself in any order 
to write unto your Lordship, but now having since had 
your command for the pressing of seamen I shall humbly 
crave your Lordship's pardon if I make a short answer 

1 Unsigned, but endorsed by Nicholas ' Lo. Zouch, a 
copy of my Lord's letter to Sir Hen. Mainwaring to resign up 
his place of Lieutenant of Dover Castle. Sat. 17 Martii 1622.' 

2 Old Style, really 1623. 

3 S.P. Dom., James I, cxxxix. 24. 

4 Ibid., cxlii. 49. 

i. H 


to those things which have misdirected your Lordship 
against me by the information of those busy and very 
good friends (whom I must leave as myself to your Lord- 
ship). For my going to Canterbury ... I had not been 
near it before the date of your Lordship's letter, but 
that Friday after I went to Sir George Newman, 1 being 
occasioned thereunto by the letter sent to Mr. Marsh, 
as also by speeches he used to Mr. Fulnetby that he would 
not come to try the prisoners without a special warrant 
from your Lordship. The day was appointed and for 
that cause I went thither. I should not have held it 
for an offence to your Lordship to have gone thither or 
anywhere else as long as I neglect not your Lordship's 
affairs. And then within one hour or two riding of the 
Castle if any occasion should be offered. 

For the second, I was assaulted. I never struck blow or 
drew sword, he drew upon me. ... I walked to my 
lodgings and scarce spake ten words to him. Witnesses 
can testify that I spoke but twenty or I will answer to 
God and your Lordship. The greatest persons in 
the world are not free from assaults, and the Law of 
Nature and Nations allows a man to defend himself ; 
besides I asked your Lordship's leave which you granted 
me. As for women I know of no more save those which 
your Lordship knew of before. ... I am sure the world 
cannot tax me for keeping any woman or frequenting 
their companies. . . . For the last, which was lying 
in town, 'tis true that instantly on my coming to Dover 
My Lord of Rochford 2 came. I had been at the pier, 
winning some timber; going up to the Castle I called 
at Capt. Wilsford, my Lord sent earnestly to speak with 
me. He desired me to sup with him, to stay with him, 
having no company, which I was very willing to do, 
having not any thing special for me at the Castle. He 
coursed the next day, and I anciently known to him, 
desired most to stay that night with him. I did so not 

1 Admiralty judge of the Cinque Ports. 

2 Henry Carey, Baron Hunsdon, created Viscount Rochford 
on 6 July 1621, and afterwards Earl of Dover on 8 March 
1628. He was attached to the Prince's suite in Spain. 


knowing that it could be any prejudice to your Lordship's 

Mainwaring then continues his letter with an 
account of the means he had adopted regarding 
the impressment of mariners for the expedition 
to Spain, and states that he had succeeded in 
pressing the finest lot of men that were ever sent 
out of the Cinque Ports, some of whom rather 
than be forced to serve, would have given him 
large sums, ' for I assure your Lordship/ he 
writes, ' I could safely have gained 20O/. by this 
business.' * He concludes by asking Zouch to 
suspend his judgment ' till you hear my answer/ 
and stated that he would feel the loss of his post 
ten times more than if he had never enjoyed it. 

Mainwaring, as we see, was already busy in 
providing men for the fleet of which he hoped to 
have the practical direction, and the following 
day he reported the presence of a Dutch vessel 
in the Downs, which had many English sailors 
aboard, bound for the West Indies. By his 
instructions the Mayor of Sandwich was ordered 
to detain such of the crew as came on shore, 
because, in spite of the King's proclamation, many 
entered foreign service, owing to the higher rate 
of remuneration. ' It is endless toil/ he wrote, 
' to supply the King's ships with fit men/ 
Mainwaring eventually had the Dutchman brought 
into Dover Harbour, and was ordered to attend 
the council thereon, but after waiting four days in 
vain, he went to Windsor, to discuss with the 

1 On the 25th of March, Mainwaring wrote to the Mayors 
and Jurats of the Ports, ' to attend diligently to the King's 
orders for the pressing of seamen.' For the fleet preparing for 
Spain, 150 men were required from the Cinque Ports, and 
efficient men were to be chosen with discretion, 'so as to 
injure trade as little as possible' (S.P. Dom., cxl. 34). 


King the question of impressing seamen. 1 On 
the 26th of April Conway, in a letter to Zouch, 
requested that Mainwaring might be granted 
leave of absence to go as captain under the Earl 
of Rutland. This he advised Zouch not to with- 
stand, ' being a point on which the King is much 
set.' 2 To which Zouch replied that he had already 
sent Mainwaring a friendly dismissal, and that he 
only held the Lieutenancy on condition that he 
gave it up when required. 3 

Whatever the real reason was that caused 
Mainwaring's dismissal, it failed to lower his 
prestige with the King, and he was duly made 
flag-captain to Rutland. On the fleet where he 
held this important command it may be said the 
hopes of the country were fixed. As the danger 
of the Prince's escapade became realised, the 
anxiety displayed by James for the return oi-4iis 
son was shared in no less a degree by his subjects. 
There was a rooted opinion among all classes 
that the Prince would never come back. Spain 
was looked upon as an implacable and ruthless 
enemy, and the Inquisition had graven in the 
public imagination a picture of cruelty and 
oppression. There is a story told of Archie, the 
King's jester, which shows the state of feeling in 
England at the time. He approached James 
one day and offered to exchange his fool's cap 
with him. On the King asking the reason, he 
explained that the Prince had been given leave 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxlii. 50, 64. 

2 Ibid., cxliii. 70. 

3 Ibid., cxliii. 71. The Venetian ambassador informed 
the Doge that the Earl of Rutland was to command the ten 
ships for Spain, and that ' Sir Henry Mainwaring may have 
the first place, being an experienced seaman, well known to 
your Serenity' (S.P. Venice, 1623-25, No. 14). 


to go into Spain, and would never return. But, 
replied James, suppose that he does return. Then, 
retorted the Jester, I will take my fool's cap 
from off your Majesty's head, and place it on the 
King of Spain's ! 1 Be this as it may, the powerful 
fleet that was fitting out to proceed to Spain 
was no doubt intended to make a demonstration, 
had the Spaniards any such desire to detain the 
Prince. Though Rutland was appointed Admiral 
of the fleet, the real seaman commander was 
Mainwaring. It is no small testimony to the 
position he held at this time that he should have 
been chosen to conduct an enterprise, on the 
success of which was set the heart, not only of the 
King, but of the whole nation, and the honour 
of the appointment remained to the end of his 
career one of his most cherished memories. 

' I send you now,' wrote James to his ' Sweet 
Boys ' in Spain, ' the first Sea-Captain of our 
Admiral's choice, who I hope shall ever prove 
worthy of such a Patron.' z 

The Prince Royal, which remained the largest 
ship in the Navy until 1637, was chosen as the 
flagship of the fleet, and she was fitted up with 
a gorgeously decorated cabin ' as if to receive a 
goddess,' in the hope that the Prince would return 
with the Infanta to England ; a hope which was 
never realised. 3 

The following is a list of the ships that com- 
posed Rutland's squadron, 4 the strength of which 
greatly impressed the Venetian ambassador. ' God 

1 Chancellor, Life of Charles I, p. 112 n. 

2 Nicholls, Progresses of James I, iv. 844. 

3 S.P. Dom., James I, cxliv. n. 

4 Ibid., July 29, 1623 ; Clowes, ii. p. 56, erroneously 
states that the fleet was under the command of the Earl of 


grant/ he wrote, ' that this great preparation be 
not in vain, or may not serve the wishes of the 
Spaniards except in bringing back the Prince. 1 

Prince Royal 

St. Andrew 


St. George 





Seven Stars 

Admiral, the Earl of 

Captain, Sir Henry 


Lord Morley 
Rear-Admiral, Lord 


Sir Sackville Trevor 
Sir F. Steward 
Sir W. St. Leger 
Sir H. Palmer 
Captain Thomas Love 
Captain Harris 

Tons Guns 

1200 55 

895 42 







140 - 14 

The anxiety of the King was displayed in the 
keen personal interest he took in the victualling 
and equipment of the ships, and on the loth of 
April he wrote to the Prince and Buckingham 
informing them of the readiness in which he found 
the fleet. 2 

SWEET BOYS, As for the fleet, that should, with 
God's grace, bring my Baby home ; they are in far greater 
readiness than you could have believed, for they will 
be ready to make sail before the first of May, if need 

1 Cat. S.P. Venice, 1623-25, No. 51. Neither Rutland, 
Morley, nor Windsor had held a naval command before, but 
the other captains were all experienced seamen. Trevor 
was in command of a royal ship in 1602 ; Love commanded 
the Convertive in the Algiers expedition of 1620 ; and Harris 
is undoubtedly the Christopher Harris who commanded 
the Samuel in the same expedition, while Palmer was captain 
of the Antelope. 

* Hardwicke State Papers, i. 413-14. 


were ; and the smallest of six, besides the two that go 
for Steenie, are between five and six hundred tons, their 
names and burden, Dick Grame shall bring you, who 
is to follow two days hence ; it is therefore now your 
promise to advertise by the next post, how soon ye would 
have them to sail, for the charge and trouble will be 
infinite, if their equipage stay long aboard, consuming 
victuals, and making the ships to stink. 

On the 2nd of May the Prince Royal was brought 
from her moorings to St. Mary's Creek, where 
she was inspected by the Commissioners of the. 
Navy, who had travelled down from London for 
that purpose. By the 20th of the month the 
repairs that were necessary had been completed, 
and she sailed down the river to Queenborough, 
anchoring in the Downs five days later. 1 As soon 
as she joined the rest of the fleet in the Downs, 
Rutland came on board and assumed command. 
First and foremost a courtier, he was fully 
conscious of his unfitness for such an high office. 
'His Majesty,' he wrote, 'never had so poor an 
Admiral,' and in truth he might say so, for he had 
never held a naval command before. The sea 
service had apparently little attraction for him, 
and the humble fare of the seamen, ' poor John 
and ling,' did not appeal to his sensitive palate, 
as the following letter written to Conway clearly 
shows z : 

SIR, I would intreat you to do me the favour as 
to let his Majesty know that I am now aboard the Prince 
Royal in the Downs, where I thank God I find all the 
fleet in very good trim, and withal I pray acquaint 
his Majesty that he never had so poor an Admiral, for 
I do assure that I am a plain dealing man and have no 

1 Phineas Pett (N.R.S.), p. 126. Pett was appointed to 
the Prince Royal on February 17. 

2 Brit. Museum, Add. MSS., 9294, f. 317. 


shift, besides here is not a spit to roast a piece of flesh 
on, therefore we must feed on poor John and ling, a 
dish his Majesty I know loves so well that he will not 
pity us, therefore I must needs intreat you to be a means 
unto his Majesty that he will be pleased to give us leave 
to stay here till our things come aboard, and then none 
shall be more ready to obey his commands then we 
his poor fishermen, so praying sweet Jesus to bless him 
with long life, I wish you farewell from aboard the Prince, 
and rest 

Your most affectionate friend, 

77 41 T\ Q n/r F- RUTLAND. 

From the Downs, 28 May. 

The following day in response to an urgent 
message from the King to get under way, Rutland 
was forced to send a certificate under the hands 
of Mainwaring and others, to the effect ftfat it 
was impossible to set sail ' with the wind in the 
present quarter.' On the 4th of June he informed 
Conway that he was still detained by contrary 
winds, ' tied by the leg in this floating and 
tottering prison of the sea,' as he quaintly put it. 1 
After several unsuccessful efforts the fleet weighed 
on the 28th, and succeeded in getting ' as high ' 
as Fairlight near Hastings, where, Pett records, 
c we anchored all the flood, and so plyed to wind- 
ward all the ebbs, being fair weather.' 2 Finally, 
on the ist of July, they anchored in Stokes Bay, 
near Portsmouth. Here the victualling of the 
ships was vigorously pushed forward, and Main- 
waring assumed command in the absence of 
Rutland, who had not yet found his sea-legs, and 
had been slightly injured by a fall. Mainwaring 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxlvi. n. The fleet lying in the 
Downs was costing 300 a day, and to meet the expense the 
knighting of a thousand gentlemen at 100 a head was 
recommended. Ibid., cxlvii. 80. 

2 Phineas Pett, p. 126. 


was a strict disciplinarian, and on this occasion 
we get a glimpse of the man and the method he 
employed in keeping order on board the fleet. 
In one of his despatches he reported that a man 
who had stolen a jerkin had been summarily dealt 
with, and that he had been forced to put the 
coxswain in the bilboes for being drunk. His 
letter, which is directed ' To the Right Honourable 
and my most Honoured Lord the Earl of Rutland, 
Lord General of his Majesty's Fleet now bound 
for the Coast of Spain, at his house in the Strand 
called Bedford House/ is here reproduced * : 

LORD, Though I know no news, yet I know it is my 
duty not to omit any occasion, wherein I may give your 
Lordship assurance, that I forget not my duty towards 
your Lordship in any thing. All things were here so 
well settled in a fair and quiet government by your 
Lordship, that they cannot now have suffered any 
sudden alteration since your Lordship's departure, but 
rest well still. We have no disorders aboard, no com- 
plaints from the shore of any misdemeanours there, a 
thing I do believe not heard of before, in so great a fleet. 
One fellow, a West Country man (a foremast man), I 
caught who had stolen a jerkin, and ducked him at 
the yard arm, and so towed him ashore in the water at a 
boats-stern, and turned him away. My Lord Windsor 
carries himself very discreetly, and worthily amongst us, 
so as he is commonly beloved and respected of us all. 
Some fellows : two of the Stars, one of the Charles, 
and a coxswain, made three fires ashore the other night, 
which we thought had been for our packet from your 
Lordship. My Lord Windsor (as I think he had reason) 
took it ill complaining to me of the coxswain. I put 
him in the bilboes 2 for being drunk ; but for the fires 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxlviii. 105. 

2 The most usual modes of correction at sea during the 
early part of the I7th century appear to have been the capstan, 


I think he will go clear. We live here expecting news 
of our departure, and most desirous of your Lordship's 
safe return to us, and especially to myself, who for so 
many great testimonies of your Lordship's favour, and 
good opinion of me, am for ever bound to live or die 
Your Lordship's most humble 

and most affectionate servant, 

From aboard the Prince Royal, this 12 July, 1623. 

There was a considerable amount of sickness 
among the crews of Rutland's fleet, and besides 
this, it was estimated that 300 men at least 
had deserted since the ships were at Portsmouth. 1 
The Prince and Buckingham, like James, were 
anxious that the fleet should reach them at ^e 
earliest possible moment, and on the 2Qth of 

the bilboes and ducking. The capstan : ' A capstan bar thrust 
through the hole of the barrel, the offender's arms are extended 
to the full length, and so made fast unto the bar crosswise, 
having sometimes a basket of bullets or some other the like 
weight, hanging about his neck.' The bilboes : The offender 
' is put in irons, or in a kind of stocks used for that purpose, the 
which are more or less heavy and pinching, as the quality of 
the offence is proved against the delinquent.' Ducking ' at 
the main yard arm is, when a malefactor by having a rope 
fastened under his arms and about his middle, and under 
his breech, is thus hoised up to the end of the yard ; from 
whence he is again violently let fall into the sea, sometimes 
twice, sometimes three several times one after another ; and 
if the offence be very foul, he is also drawn under the very 
keel of the ship, and whilst he is under the water a great gun 
is given fire right over his head.' In the event of a sailor 
stealing ' he was to be thrice ducked at the boltsprit and then 
to be dragged at the boat stern, and set on shore upon the 
next land with a loaf of bread and a can of beer.' (' Dialogical 
Discourse of Marine affairs.' Harleian MSS. 1341. By 
Nathaniel Boteler, printed in 1685, but composed during the 
reign of James I.) 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxlix. 73. 


July they wrote to the King beseeching him, 
if the ships were not already on the way, ' to 
use all the speed ' he could to hasten them. 1 
On receipt of this letter James became both 
excited and alarmed, and expressed his dis- 
pleasure to the Navy Commissioners that the 
victualling of the ships was so backward. ' Either 
these ships were not furnished with fresh victual 
to spare their seasoned and ship store, or that 
seasoned victual was not bespoken out of other 
ships,' wrote Conway at the request of the King. 
' Give me leave to tell you,' he warned the Com- 
missioners, ' the King is in earnest, for he verily 
believes that the Prince will be ready to come 
away before the fleet come thither to meet 
them.' 2 Two days later, on August the 8th, 
they stated that all the victuals would be aboard 
on the morrow, so that there would be no need 
to take provisions from merchant ships. 3 How- 
ever, their promise does not seem to have been 
fulfilled, and Rutland came up to London to 
interview the Commissioners. In his absence 
Mainwaring again assumed command, and on 
the igth of the month he wrote to Conway 
informing him that he had been left Super- 
intendent of the fleet. 4 While visiting some of 
his sick men he had unfortunately caught the 
infection himself, and had been forced to stop 
on shore for a few days, but had now recovered. 

RIGHT HONOURABLE, My Lord General's care to 
satisfy his Majesty's earnest desire in hastening away 
the fleet caused him (with his own great pains of toil) 

1 Hardwicke, State Papers, i. 433. 
* Hist. MSS. Com. 12 i, p. 146. 

3 Hardwicke, i. 447. 

4 S.P. Dom., James I, cli. 16. 


to post up to London to see those necessaries of victuals 
and other provisions (without which the fleet cannot 
proceed) despatched away, which he understood went 
on but slowly or not with as much expedition as he 

In his absence as when he was last at Court, it pleased 
my Lord General to depute me his Superintendent over 
the fleet, and did authorise me to open such letters as 
might come from your Honour or the State concerning 
the fleet, and to make such answer as should be required. 
And therefore to the particulars of your Honour's letter. 
That my Lord General is in good health I understood 
last night from my Lord Windsor, who came late to 
Portsmouth, and parted yesterday morning from him, 
by whom my Lord sent me word that this afternoon 
without fail he would be aboard the ships. For being 
provided to take the first wind, I understand that by 
my Lord's extraordinary care and solicitation the victuals 
are in the Downs, for which only we shall attend, being a 
consideration of so great importance, as without which 
it will be very dangerous to adventure the fleet to sea. 
Upon my Lord's arrival I know he will instantly make 
a despatch to your Honour, who I assure myself will 
be ready with all diligence, and hazard that his Majesty 
shall enjoin him to set sail the first wind. More I cannot 
acquaint your Honour in my Lord's absence, but that 
all things belonging to the ships shall be ready in an 
hour's warning, victuals only excepted, which let me [be] 
bold to answer your Honour was not well advised to be 
provided at London, for here at Portsmouth, Hampton, 
and the Isle of Wight all provisions are better, and 
better cheap, and upon all occasions and winds, been 
instantly put aboard. Sir, I must humbly crave his 
Majesty's, my Lord General's, and your Honour's pardon 
that I, who never before had night out of the ship, have 
lain this few days ashore, by reason I took an infection 
from some sick men whom I visited aboard, all which 
I sent ashore, and are excepting two or three recovered, 
so am I myself, who purpose (God willing) to be this 
night aboard, where as in all other places, I shall be 


ready to wait upon your Honour's commands, and 
strive to express myself that, which I am most truly, 
Your Honour's most humble servant, 

Portsmouth, this 19 August 1623. 

The following day the King, who was staying 
at Beaulieu in the New Forest, paid a surprise 
visit to the fleet. After inspecting the ships, 
he dined on board the Prince Royal, where, in 
Rutland's absence, Mainwaring received His 

The 2oth of August [Pett records], 1 His Majesty, then 
lying in the New Forest at Beaulieu House, embarked 
himself and train and came on board the Prince, then 
riding in Stokes Bay, accompanied with Marquis of 
Hamilton, the Lord Chamberlain (Pembroke), Holder- 
ness, Kelly, Carlisle, Montgomery, and divers other 
attendants, who all dined on board the Prince, our 
Admiral, the Earl of Rutland, being absent in London. 

James was delighted with his reception and 
the smartness of the fleet. After dinner he 
embarked in the royal barge, and while it hovered 
in the midst of the fleet all the ships discharged 
their great ordnance in honour of the visit. 

On Rutland's return instructions were received 
from the King to set sail, and on the 25th of the 
month the Earl reported that he had done so, 
though the wind was not very favourable, and 
they were still in need of men and provisions. 
Pett states, ' the wind taking us short put us 
into the grass at Weymouth, where we rode till 
the 26th.' On the night of the 26th, with the 
wind easterly, they left Weymouth, and two days 
later came to an anchor in Plymouth Sound. 

1 Phineas Pett, pp. 126-7. 


Here they were again detained by contrary 
winds, and it was not until the 2nd of September 
that they were able to leave for Santander. 1 
This port had been decided on instead of Corunna, 
being nearer England, though the Venetian 
ambassador feared that the entrance to Santander, 
being very narrow, might lead to some treachery, 
and the Spaniards, by ' placing some impediment, 
which might be made to look fortuitous/ would 
succeed in ' shutting in such powerful ships for 
ever/ With the departure of the fleet he wrote, 
' All the best things of England would be in 
Spain, the best ships, the richest jewels, the King's 
sole favourite and his only son/ z 

1 Phineas Pelt, pp. 127-8. 

2 Cat. S.P. Venice, 1623-25, Nos. 115, 120. 



THE history and negotiations concerning the 
Spanish marriage treaty have been fully gone 
into by Dr. Gardiner, 1 and do not come within 
the scope of this work. Suffice it to say, that 
nothing short of the conversion of the Prince 
would have allowed the Spanish and Papal 
authorities to sanction the marriage. Both 
Charles and Buckingham offended Spanish 
propriety during their sojourn in Madrid. 
Buckingham had quarrelled with Olivares, the 
Prime Minister, and the Prince had permitted 
his wooing to break down all the bounds of 
Spanish etiquette. 

On the 2nd of September, Charles left the 
Escurial after an affectionate parting with Philip, 
Buckingham having departed on horseback earlier 
in the day, leaving the Prince to follow in a royal 
coach that had been provided. 2 

In the meantime the English fleet, which 
had been so long delayed, was crossing the Bay 
towards the coast of Spain. A week after 
having left Plymouth Sound they made Cape 

1 Prince Charles and the Spanish Marriage, 2 v., 1869. 
? Gardiner, England, v. pp. 115-16. 



Ortegal bearing south-west, but it was not till 
the nth of the month, ' about 2 of the clock in 
the forenoon/ that Rutland's squadron anchored 
in the Port of Santander, having accomplished 
the journey without opposition from friend or 
foe, in spite of the rumour of ' great fleets 
abroad".' 1 Sir John Finett, who was on board 
the Prince Royal, had received instructions to 
inform the Prince immediately on the fleet's 
arrival, and having an assurance that Charles 
and his suite were within two days' journey of 
the port, he set out to welcome them. Accom- 
panied by Sir Thomas Somerset, he was rowed 
ashore from the Prince Royal, and, as he informs 
us, riding hard 'that night ' over the mountains 
in most dark and tempestuous weather, V en- 
countered the Prince early next morning about 
six leagues inland. So delighted was Charles 
at the news of the fleet's arrival, that Finett 
records the Prince ' looked upon him as one 
that had the face of an angel/ Buckingham, 
in his gratitude and pleasure, kissed Finett, 
and taking a ring off his finger worth above 
ioo/., bestowed it upon him. 2 On entering San- 
tander, bells were rung, and the cannon of the 
fort were discharged in the Prince's honour. 
Charles, however, failed to respond to these 
signs of welcome ; his whole thoughts were 
centred on the fleet that flew the English flag. 
Though late in the afternoon, he decided to 
board the Prince Royal in order to greet the 
Admiral and learn the latest news from court. 
On returning to the shore in his barge after 
nightfall, the freshening of the wind made it 
impossible for the roj^al seamen to make headway, 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cxlv. 32. 

2 Finett, Finetti Philoxensis, 1656, pp. 120-1. 


the tide sweeping them out of their course. What 
might have been a catastrophe was promptly 
averted by the ingenuity of Sir Sackville Trevor 
in the Defiance, who, seeing the danger that 
was threatening the barge, threw out ropes 
attached to buoys, on which were affixed lanterns. 
One of the ropes was seized by the sailors, and 
Charles passed the night on Trevor's ship. 1 

For some days the fleet remained weather- 
bound at Santander, and on the 1/, Charles 
entertained his Spanish retinue on board the 
Prince Royal. At the royal table, placed across 
one end of the cabin, were seated Sir Walter 
Aston, Cardinal Zapata, and the ambassadors 
Gondomar and Hurtado de Mendoza, while 
the other persons of rank were seated at a table 
placed lengthways. The feast consisted, accord- 
ing to Phineas Pett, ' of no other than we had 
brought from England with us.' Stalled oxen, 
fatted sheep, venison, and all manner of fowl 
were presented, and the Spaniards returned to 
the shore delighted with the festivities. 

At last, on the i8th of September, the wind 
being favourable, the fleet were ordered to weigh 
anchor, which news was received ' with much 
joy, elevation of voices, thundering of drums 
and trumpets, and that excellent musical tumult 
of mariners nimbly running up and down to set 
forward so royal a business.' 2 The story of 
the homeward voyage has been fully chronicled 
by Pett. ' On Thursday, being the i8th of 

1 Phineas Pett, p. 129. 

2 In the Queen's presence chamber at Hampton Court is a 
picture of the fleet leaving Santander. First on the right 
leading the squadron is the Prince Royal ; then the Defiance, 
followed by the St. Andrew, and the Bonaventure and the 
others (Law, Hampton Court Gallery, 1898, pp. 297-8). 


September/ he writes, ' we set sail out of San- 
tander River, the wind somewhat southerly ; 
from whence we beat it to and fro with contrary 
winds till the 26th day after, being Friday, at 
which time a little before noon we had sight of 
Scilly, which bore north-east of us, about eight 
leagues off/ 1 On this day four Dunkirk men-of-war 
were encountered who were being chased by seven 
Hollanders. Before leaving England Rutland 
had received instructions that in the event of 
finding a Spaniard and a Hollander fighting 
' upon our coast, or within the Narrow Seas/ 
he was to use all endeavours to separate them, 2 
and therefore the Seven Stars and the Rainbow, 
being the foremost ships in the fleet, were or&red 
to fire a shot and hail the combatants. Upon 
this signal both the Dunkirkers and Hollanders 
came up, and were then ' bidden to go to the 
leeward and speak to the Prince of England/ 
On nearing the Prince Royal, the admirals of 
the rival squadrons were invited on board, and 
Charles ' laboured to have them accept a peace- 
able course/ The Hollander, however, refused 
to be bound, and Charles endeavoured to settle 
the matter by allowing the Dunkirkers ' to have 
the start of the Hollanders/ 3 

The following day the English fleet were 
within four leagues of the Scilly Islands, ' the 
wind at north-east, but fair weather/ The next 
day, Sunday, a Council of War was held on the 
Prince Royal, at which the possibility of landing 
the Prince on one of the Islands in a ketch was 
discussed. For this purpose several pilots had 
put oft from the Islands, but by the time they 

1 Phineas Pett, p. 130. 

* S.P. Dom., James I, cxlv. 33. 

8 Somers, Tracts, ii. 548 ; Phineas Pett, p. 130. 


reached the flagship, the idea had been post- 
poned. However, after supper the matter was 
again debated, and, ' beyond expectation, order 
was given to make ready the long-boat, and to 
call the ketch/ and the Prince made choice of 
the company that were to accompany him on 
shore, Main waring being one of them. 

About one of the clock after midnight, with great 
danger to his Highness' person and to the Lord Duke 
of Buckingham, they were put into our long boat, which 
was veered astern by a long warp, where the ketch, 
laying the long boat on board, and the. sea going 
somewhat high, they entered the ketch disorderly, 
without regard to any, but everj'one shifting for them- 
selves. Being all shipped, the ketch was so overburdened 
as she could make but little way, so that after we had 
taken farewell with a discharge of a volley of. our great 
ordnance, we tacked into the sea. 

After six hours' buffeting the ketch succeeded in 
reaching St. Mary's Island, where the Prince and 
his retinue landed. The flagship being now 
temporary bereft of the services of her Captain, 
and also the Master, Walter Whiting, the Earl 
held a council on board to decide what course it 
would be advisable to take. After serious con- 
sultation with two pilots of the Island, it was 
agreed that the Prince Royal might go into the 
roadstead without danger, and 

after two or three boards, we laid it in quarter winds, 
and came to anchor in the best of the road about 
two of the clock afternoon ; the Prince and all his 
train standing upon the lower point of the land, and 
welcomed us in as we passed close by with much expression 
of joy and heaving up their hats. 1 

Charles remained on the Island four nights, 
1 Phineas Pett, pp. 131-2. 


and was taken aboard again on the 3rd of October, 
when, to continue Pett's narrative, 

we set sail out of Stilly, and on Sunday following, being 
the 5th day, we came into St. Helen's and anchored 
on No Man's Land, and shipped the Prince and his 
train into our long boat, and other ships' boats, who 
were safely landed at Portsmouth about n of the clock ; 
we taking our farewell with discharge of all our great 
ordnance, seconded by all the Fleet, with general thanks- 
giving to God for our safe arrival, to the joy and comfort 
of all true hearted subjects. 1 

Commenting on the return of the fleet, the 
Venetian ambassador wrote that the ships had 
' proved as excellent ' as they were * fine in 
appearance.' 2 Soon after their arrival in%the 
Downs the ships were paid off, Rutland being 
remunerated at the rate of 3/. 6s. Sd. a day ; Vice- 
Admiral Lord Morley at il. 35. 4^. ; Mainwaring 
at i/. ; and Lord Windsor, Rear-Admiral, at 
i6s. Sd* 

The Prince, who was in feverish haste to see 
his father, hurried on to London, reaching York 
House early the following morning. 

The news of his home-coming had preceded 
him, and such were the acclamations of joy with 
which he was received, that the streets were spread 
with tables of provisions and hogsheads of wine 
by the wealthy citizens of the metropolis. A 
cartload of offenders on their way to Tyburn were 
set at liberty, and bonfires were lighted all along 
the Prince's route. 4 At Cambridge, a con- 
temporary records, ' every college had a speech, 
and one dish more at supper, and bonfires and 

1 Phineas Pett, p. 132. 

2 S.P. Venice, 1623-25, No. 184. 

3 Charnock, Marine Architecture, ii. 209. 

4 S.P. Dom., James I, cliii. 44 ; Gardiner, v. 129. 


squibs in their courts. . . . The close, at night, 
was with bonfires, drums, guns, fireworks, till 
past midnight all the town about.' 1 Never 
within living memory had such stirring scenes 
been witnessed in England. 

The rejoicings of the people at the return of 
the Prince had scarcely died away, when we find 
him labouring on Main waring' s behalf for his 
reappointment to Dover Castle. The good work 
that Main waring had rendered in the voyage to 
and from Spain merited some recognition,' and 
the Prince wrote to Zouch that it was owing to 

the late service he hath done us in our journey out of 
Spain, we are glad of any occasion to let him see that 
we do esteem of his person, and do therefore hereby 
earnestly pray your Lordship to let him know how 
valuable this our recommendation is with 3'ou, and to 
seal him again in that Lieutenancy which we shall 
esteem as a respect unto ourself. 

In the meantime Zouch had informed both 
the Prince and Buckingham of his reasons for 
dismissing Mainwaring, and the latter had under- 
taken to procure all the gentlemen of Kent to 
certify against Zouch' s damaging statements. 
On the other side, Sir Edward Zouch, ' a courtier 
and drolling favourite of James,' 2 had promised 
to influence all the judges on his cousin's behalf, 
while Zouch himself stated he would vacate the 
Wardenship on condition that iooo/. a year 
were settled on him. 8 A reply that Zouch sent 
the Prince in answer to one of his letters so dis- 
pleased him, that he promptly burnt it. On the 
2oth of November, Zouch wrote a letter to Con- 

1 Ellis, Orig. Letters, in. 160. 

2 Aubrey, Brief Lives, 1898, ii. p. 203. 

3 S.P. Dom., James I, cliii. 81, 82. 


way to the effect that he hoped the Prince would 
not urge him to receive Sir Henry Mainwaring 
again. Owing to bodily infirmity, he stated, he 
was unable to go fully into the matter, and being 
so ill, he expected to end his days at the Castle, 
but if the Prince persisted, he would be carried 
in his litter to London, to give his reasons against 
Mainwaring' s restoration. 1 The Prince, however, 
was persistent, and on the 25th of the month, 
Zouch had a full account prepared of the charges 
brought against his former Lieutenant. Various 
statements were recorded in this document, 
amongst others being reports from Richard Marsh, 
Clerk of Dover Castle, and Thomas Fulnetby. 
That of the latter, who was Sergeant of the 
Admiralty Court of the Cinque Ports, is without 
doubt the most audacious, and in its way 
amusing. 2 In his report he stated that Main- 
waring tried hard to gain possession of some 
8ooo/. or 9OOO/. of merchants' money, belonging 
to a ship wrecked within the jurisdiction of the 
Cinque Ports, which he (Fulnetby) had deposited 
at Deal Castle, pending its return to the rightful 
owners. He alleged that Mainwaring, being un- 
successful in his efforts to obtain the money, 
persuaded him to rip up the bags, and tumble 
the contents together, so that when the claimants 
put in an appearance they would be unable to 
prove how much belonged to them ! How Main- 
waring would have benefited by this elaborate 
plot, one fails to see. The incident probably 
refers to the wreck of the Ark Noah on the 
Goodwins in the March of 162 1. 8 These 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cliv. 10, 23, 38, 52. 

2 Ibid., civ. 4. 

3 See Mainwaring's Despatch to Zouch, 15 March, 1621, 
ante p. 81. It was the custom for all recovery from wreckage 


accusations failed to injure Mainwaring' s reputa- 
tion in the eyes of the Prince, and in his reply 
to the indictment prepared by Zouch, he stated 
that he saw no cause whatever in the allegations 
produced, and thought Mainwaring ' a discreet 
and able gentleman worthy of some good employ- 
ment .' * His letter is here reproduced : 

To our right trusty and well beloved Lord Zouch, 
Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports. 

thought it not necessary to have given any answer unto 
those papers which you sent by your Secretary concerning 
Sir Henry Mainwaring, seeing you are resolved not to 
give way unto the request we made you on his behalf 
for the admitting him again unto the Lieutenancy 
of Dover Castle, yet least to his prejudice and dis- 
reputation, it should be conceived that in these accusa- 
tions, you have given cause to conceive unworthiness 
or demerit of Sir Henry Mainwaring, we have thought 
fitting hereby to declare that in those papers and 
allegations so delivered us by your Secretary we found 
no cause at all, why you might not very well have 
admitted him into that place without any inconvenience 
unto the service of his Majesty. We never doubted 
but that the place is merely in your Lordship's dis- 
position, nor do we enquire the cause of any particular 
distaste or dislike that you ma}^ have unto the person 
of Sir Henry, but certainly for anything that hath 
yet appeared unto us, he is both a discreet and an 
able gentleman, and in every way worthy of some 
good employment from his Majesty. And so we bid 
your Lordship farewell. 

Your friend, 


From our Court at St. James' 
This 23 day of January, 1623. 2 

within the jurisdiction of the Cinque Ports to be conveyed 
to Dover Cattle. 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, clviii. 41. z I.e. 1623-4. 


The royal recommendation, however, failed to 
move Zouch, who, to the end of his life, remained 
Main waring' s bitterest enemy, and wrote that 
rather than have him restored to Dover, he would 
gladly suffer execution. 1 The character of Zouch, 
unfortunately, is not without blemish. It is 
known that he was a most difficult personage to 
work under. He had an absolute command over 
the Cinque Ports and a great part of the Admiralty, 
and would brook no rival in the administration 
of his office. Prior to his appointment as Lord 
Warden, he had been President of Wales, and 
from one of his contemporaries we are able to 
glean a few details of the man and his methods. 
During the time he held this important post, we 
are informed that he played ' Rex both with the 
Council and justices, and with the poor Welsh- 
men,' 2 and in consequence many complaints were 
lodged against him that his conduct brought 
disgrace upon the office. It is not surprising, 
therefore, that he failed to agree with Mainwaring, 
who with his many suggestions for improving the 
condition of the Cinque Ports, tended rather to 
overshadow, as Zouch probably thought, the 
dignity of the Lord Warden. Wh ether this was 
the reason or not for the particular ' distaste or 
dislike' that Zouch had for Mainwaring, it is 
difficult to see how he could have been guilty of 
the many misdemeanours of which Zouch accused 
him. As we have seen, under Mainwaring's 
Lieutenancy the defences of Dover Castle had 
been put on a sounder basis, and foreigners had 
been prohibited from viewing the fortifications. 
A like care and consideration had been bestowed 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, cliv. 79. He eventually appointed 
Sir John Hippisley to the post in December 1624 (S.P. 
Dom., clxxvi. 50). * S.P. Dom., cclxxxv. 32. 


on the rest of the ports. The accusation that 
he had absented himself from the Castle, and that 
his subordinates had in consequence been forced 
to transact the duties of his post, is extremely 
difficult to substantiate. 1 In considering the 
evidence that is available, it is necessary to take 
into consideration that Mainwaring was a 
voluminous correspondent, and a considerable 
number of his letters to Zouch and other eminent 
personages, written from Dover, are still preserved 
in the Public Record Office. Also, it is interest- 
ing to note that the whole of the ' Seaman's 
Dictionary/ which Mainwaring dedicated to 
Zouch, 2 was written within the precincts of the 
Castle, a combination of circumstances which 
does not point to him having neglected his office. 
Mainwaring himself stated he was dismissed 
for affecting ' Buckingham's desires,' 3 and there 
is probably some truth in this statement, when 
we consider that Buckingham was Lord High 
Admiral, and that his office frequently clashed 
with that of the Lord Warden of the Cinque 
Ports. Buckingham's jurisdiction was claimed 
for the Narrow Seas, and the Lord Warden 
claimed all ' flotsam, wrecks, &c./ to belong to 
him from ' Shoe beacon in Essex to the Red 
Nore in Sussex, half seas over,' denying that the 
Lord Admiral had any power to exercise his juris- 
diction in that limit, which was an encroachment 
u^on the Warden's right and privilege. The 
Cinque Ports claimed exemption from having 
men pressed out of their ships for the King's 

1 Fulnetby, one of his accusers, was himself accused 
of negligence in his office by Richard Marsh, the Clerk of the 
Castle (Marsh to Mainwaring, S.P. Dom., cxviii. 51), 

2 See Volume II, where the dedication is given in full. 

3 S.P. Dom., James I, cliv. 23. 


service, but the Lord Admiral's officers pressed 
them when necessary. If the mayors, or in fact 
any of the officers of the Cinque Ports, refused to 
execute the Lord Admiral's warrant, they were 
punished : the same fate awaited them at the 
hands of the Warden if they gave way to the Lord 
Admiral. On account of these, and many other 
inconveniences, a movement was set on foot for 
securing unity in the administration of the sea 
forces by vesting both offices in one and the same 
individual, and this was eventually carried through 
in 1624, on the eve of the war, by Buckingham 
purchasing the Lord Wardenship from Lord 
Zouch. 1 The jurisdiction of the Lord Warden 
is clearly denned in a statute of George III, in 
which it states, 2 

whereas doubts have arisen, as to the exact boundaries 
of the jurisdiction of the Lord High Admiral, and the 
Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports . . . now it is hereby 
declared and enacted, that the boundaries of the juris- 
diction of the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports shall 
be from a point to the westward of Seaford in Sussex, 
called Red Cliff, including the same ; thence passing in 
a line I mile without the sand or shoal called the 
Horse of Willingdon, and continuing the same distance, 
without the Ridge and New Shoals, and thence in a 
line within 5 miles of Cape Grisnez, on the coast of 
France ; thence round the shoal called the Overfalls, 
2 miles distant of the same ; thence in a line without, 
and the same distance along the Eastern side of the 
Galloper Sand, until the N. end bears W.N.W., true 
bearing : from thence it runs, in a direct line, across 
the shoal called Thwart Middle, till it reaches the shore 
underneath the Mase Tower ; thence following the 

1 S.P. Dom. t cliv. 23, and ' Argument in Favour of the 
\malgamation of both Offices ' (in Gardiner's Docs. ReL to 
Impeachment of Buckingham, pp. 3-8). 

48 Geo. Ill, clause 20 (cited in Lyon Dover, i. 284-5). 


shore, up to St. Osyth, Co. Essex ; and following the 
shore up to the River Colne, to the landing place nearest 
Brightlinsea ; from thence to the Shoe Beacon ; thence 
to the point of Shellness, I. of Sheppey ; thence across 
the waters to Faversham ; thence round the N. and 
S. Forelands and Beachy Head, till it reaches the said 
Red Cliff ; including all the waters, creeks, and havens 
comprehended between them. 

There still exists in a neatly written document 
preserved at the Public Record Office, the 
instructions drawn up by Mainwaring, for the 
observance of the Lord Warden's droit gatherers, 
which is here printed for the first time 1 : 

First if any wreck doth happen, or any goods flotsam 
be found, or are brought into any port, the Droit 
gatherers of the place shall presently take some inventory 
and note of the business of the ship or vessel, anchors, 
cables, tackle, furniture, loading, and goods in every 
particular, and of the place where, and time when it 
happened, or was found. And with all convenient speed 
make certificate thereof unto your Lordship or your 
Lordship's Lieutenant at Dover Castle. 

2. Item, when any ship or vessel groundeth on any 
coast or place within your Lordship's Admiralty, which 
doth afterwards float off again, the Droit gatherer shall 
n^J: only pass to your Lordship's use the best Cable 
and Anchor of the vessel according to the custom in 
that case used, but shall also make like certificate unto 
your Lordship, or your Lieutenant, of the time and 
place it happened, and of the burthen of the vessel with 
all speed convenient. 

3. Item, when any Anchor, Cable, or goods wrecked, 
shall be apprised, such assignment shall be always 
made by four persons at the least, of the most ancient 
and substantial habitants of the place, in the presence of 
the Mayor, or Bailiff of the town, or his Deputy, and the 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, Ixxxi. 26. The MS. is undated, but 
has been wrongly calendared under the date of 1615. 


same so made, being signed under the hands of the Mayor 
and the Apprisors, shall be presently certified unto your 
Lordship, or your Lordship's Lieutenant at Dover Castle. 

4. Item, no Droit gatherer shall sell or do away or 
compound for any Anchor, Cable, or your Lordship's 
part of any wrecked goods until such time as he shall 
receive warrant so to do, under your Lordship's hand 
or your Lordship's Lieutenant. 

5. Item, every Droit gatherer (within one Month or 
what time it shall please your Lordship to nominate 
after sale made of any such goods aforesaid) shall make 
a full and perfect accompt in writing of the goods sold, 
and to inform together with payment of the moneys 
for which it shall be sold, unto your Lordship or your 
Lieutenant at Dover Castle. 

These, or the like conditions to be kept and insisted 
upon by the Serjeant of the Admiralty, by which means 
things passing in so open and fair a way, it will not be 
possible for any whosoever to beguile your Lordship of 
your right. 

Not only did Zouch remove his Lieutenant 
from Dover Castle, but he was determined that 
Mainwaring should be debarred from holding any 
position connected with the Cinque Ports. There- 
fore for the last Parliament of James I, which 
was summoned to meet at Westminster on the I2th 
of February 1624, ne nominated for Dover, Sir 
Richard Young, the late member, and in place 
of Mainwaring, Sir Edward Cecil. Such was 
the corruption of the ports at this time, and such 
the arrogance of the Lord Warden, that he 
assumed to himself the power of nominating one, 
and occasionally both parliamentary representa- 
tives. 1 Nothing daunted, however, Mainwaring 

1 Oldfield, Repr. Hist, of Gt. Britain, v. 355-6. This 
usurpation was quietly submitted to till the Revolution, 
after which date an Act was passed declaring such procedure 
contrary to the laws and constitution of the Realm (ibid.). 


with Sir Thomas Wilsford, a native of Kent, took 
the field in opposition to Cecil and Young, stating 
that he wished to prove the respect with which 
he was held by the townspeople. 1 Whether the 
inhabitants had any respect or not for Mainwaring 
is difficult to determine, because the freemen of 
the town on this occasion had no voice in the 
election, and Zouch's nominees in consequence 
were returned. Nevertheless, there was an un- 
pleasant surprise in store for them. The session 
was barely a month old when Mainwaring was 
reported ' wandering about Westminster/ an 
ominous sign that he was trying to enlist the 
sympathies of Parliament in his cause. A petition 
was drawn up against the return of Cecil and 
Young on the ground that the freemen inhabitants 
of Dover had no voice in their election. Young 
wrote to Zouch that he had received certain 
papers about Mainwaring's petition, and requested 
more time to falsify witnesses to it, but feared 
that it would not be granted, ' as the House is 
violent for free elections.' ' If witnesses were 
present,' Young wrote, ' to prove that the summons 
for election was public ; that none were nominated 
but Sir Edward Cecil, himself, and Mainwaring, 
and that no other freemen pressed to vote ' ; 
then, as the court of election was of long standing, 
he* thought there was a chance of the petition 
being overthrown. 2 

Eventually two petitions were presented to 
the Commons on the 24th of March ; one by the 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, clxi. 38. Up till the early igth 
century the elections always took place in the parish church 
of St. Mary's, while the local Court of Chancery and the 
Admiralty Court of the Cinque Ports were usually held in 
St. James' church (Huguenot Soc. Proceedings, iii. 132). 

2 Ibid., clx. 94. 


inhabitants at large, the other by the Mayor, 
Jurats and Common Council. 1 The question was 
as to the right of election, and the Committee of 
Privileges were of the opinion, that the freemen 
inhabitants of Dover ought to have a voice in 
the election of their members. It was resolved 
upon question, ' that the freemen and free 
burgesses, inhabitants of Dover, ought to have 
voice in the election of their barons to serve in 
Parliament.' Upon a second question it was 
resolved, ' that the election of Sir Edward Cecil and 
Sir Richard Young is void, and that a new warrant 
go out for a new choice with expedition/ 2 By 
the aid of Sir Richard Young we are enabled to 
get a passing glimpse of the proceedings. ' General 
Cecil,' he informed Zouch, went away at the very 
beginning of the debate, without speaking a 
word, when he saw how things were likely to turn, 
stating ' that Count Maurice 3 had sent for him, 
and he could not be turned out of the House at 
a better time.' Mainwaring was also there, but 
did not take any part in the debate. On the other 
hand the Mayor of Dover spoke hesitatingly 
as to whether the right of election should be 
general or not, ' thus implying,' wrote Young, 
' the right of the freemen,' and when pressed on 
the point, he admitted that the freemen should 
be allowed to vote. 4 Both Cecil and Young 
complained bitterly to Zouch at their having 
been unseated, and Young wrote to the effect 

1 House of Commons Journal, 24 March, 1624 ; Cat. S.P. 
Dom., Young to Zouch, 23 March 1624. 

2 Oldfield, v. p. 368. It was a common occurrence at 
this period for elections to be declared void, owing to some 
flaw in the member's election. 

8 Count Maurice of Nassau. 
* S.P. Dom., James I, clxi. 32. 


' that he hoped to be chosen again, the rather 
because the House expressed approbation of their 
persons, with an implied intimation to the freemen 
to choose them/ x Cecil attributed his being 
' put out of the House ' to the malice of Mainwar- 
ing, and his letter to Zouch, with its curious 
phraseology, is given below. 2 

MY VERY GOOD LORD, As your Lordship may 
understand by the malice of Sir Henry Mainwarmg to 
your Lordship your two Burgesses are put out of the 
House, upon the general opinion that the House hath 
given, that is no Burgess to be chosen without the 
choice of the Commons by an Ancient law of Parlia- 
ment, and if this law were so generally followed, as it 
hath been against us there, there would be but few sit 
in Parliament, yet a blot is no blot till it be hit, so 
now it is hit, therefore if there be any means for us to 
recover the honour, I humbly beseech your Lordship 
to take it into your consideration, for that no man is 
more your Lordship's humble servant than is 

r e T\f 7i * i ED. CECIL. 

This 25 [of March] in great hast. 

A new writ was forthwith issued, and the 
cause of Mainwaring and Wilsford was stoutly 
championed by Sir Edwin Sandys, a prominent 
member of the Virginia Company, and others. 
Whatever their united efforts may have been, 
and whatever arguments were propounded on 
their behalf, they proved fruitless, and Zouch, 
who was all powerful in Dover, had the satis- 
faction of seeing his 'two Burgesses' re-elected. 3 

Perhaps the secret of Young's success lies in 
the fact that he was a wealthy London merchant, 
and had acted the part of a money-lender to 

1 S.P. Dom., James. I, clxi. 51. 

2 Ibid., clxi. 39 ; cited in Dalton's Life of Cecil^ ii. 55. 
8 Return of Members of Parliament. 


Zouch. Just about the time of the election he 
had advanced 20OO/. to him, besides becoming 
his tenant at Odiham House. 1 

Having dismissed Mainwaring, Zouch himself 
was anxious to be rid of a post in which he had 
incurred the royal displeasure, and on the iyth 
of July he made an agreement with Buckingham 
for the surrender of the Lord Wardenship of the 
Cinque Ports. The conditions were, that Zouch 
should receive iooo/. in ready money, and a settle- 
ment of 500^. a year for life. Even this goodly 
offer would not permit him to depart from his post 
in peace, and he thought fit to frame two stipu- 
lations, one to the effect that Buckingham should 
not re-instate Mainwaring, and the other that 
Marsh and Fulnetby, Mainwaring's accusers, should 
retain their respective offices. The part of the 
agreement that concerns Mainwaring and the 
others reads as follows : 

Item it is agreed (in respect of true and faithful 
service done to the Lord Zouch) that Marsh, the 
Clerk of the Castle, shall hold his place ; Fulnetby, 
Serjeant of the Admiralty, shall hold his place ; and 
Captain Hill, Muster Master, shall hold his place, during 
their natural lives, if they carry themselves justly and 
truly, or that George Duke of Buckingham shall not 
otherwise prefer them or give them content. 

Item it is agreed that Sir Henry Mainwaring shall 
have no place or command in the Cinque Ports during 
the Duke of Buckingham's time in respect of his ungrate- 
ful labouring the Lord Zouch' s disgrace both at the 
Court and Parliament, and threatening of revenge on 
those poor men who did certify truths of his misde- 
meanours. 2 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, clxi. 51 ; clxiv. 43. 

2 Ibid., clxx. 16; cited in Gardiner's Docs. Rel. to the 
Impeachment of Buckingham, p. 2. 


On the 2nd of September following, the agree- 
ment was signed and sealed, and Zouch, in accord- 
ance with the custom of the time, sold his office. 1 
Soon after Zouch's vacation, a rumour gained 
credence that Buckingham intended parting with 
the Wardenship to the Earl of Warwick. 
Naturally somewhat alarmed at the news, Zouch 
wrote to Nicholas for information, fearing that 
the Earl, who held Mainwaring in high esteem, 
might appoint him as his Lieutenant. 2 

Though deprived of his office, it must have 
afforded some consolation to Mainwaring to 
know that his labours on behalf of Dover Castle 
had not been in vain, for at the end of 1624 the 
sum of 40/. was paid to Bernard Johnson for 
surveying and directing the repairs at Dover 
Castle, upon which iooo/. was expended. 3 

1 S.P. Dom., James I, clxxii. 2. 

2 Ibid., clxxv. 15. This report was unfounded, and Buck- 
ingham held office till his death, 23 Aug. 1628. Zouch died 
in the following year, 1625. 

Lords MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., iii. p. 35). Johnson 
was the King's engineer, and is sometimes styled ' Engineer 
of the Tower of London.' He took part in the expedition 
to Rhe, 1627, and was one of those killed at the landing. 
Big. widow was granted an annuity of loo/, during pleasure 
(S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixxvii. 29 ; xciii. 61). 




ALL connection in an official capacity with 
the Cinque Ports having come to an end, Main- 
waring's career from now onwards is closely bound 
up with the history of the Royal Navy, and the 
period of maritime expansion that was ushered 
in during the last seven years of the reign of James 
the First. Prior to 1618, although the King had 
expended more money on the Navy than in former 
years, its strength and efficiency was seriously 
undermined by the employment of inefficient 
officials and the corruption of the age. 1 It was 
not until the Naval Commission of 1618 got to 
work that any serious effort to place the fleet on 
a sound basis was attempted, and the fraudulent 
officials, who for years had filled their pockets 
at the nation's expense, were removed. After 

1 A flagrant example is given in Bishop Goodman's 
Memoirs. Walking one day with a friend in Chatham 
where the King's ships were, his friend remarked, ' I will tell 
you a wonder. All these goodly houses that you see 
houses fit for knights to dwell in they are all made of chips. ' 
His meaning was that the officers of the Navy took all the 
best timber which was intended for repairing the ships for the 
building of their own houses (i. pp. 53-4). 


i62 4 -i62 7 BUCKINGHAM'S REGIME 131 

a full investigation by the Commissioners who 
were entrusted with the task of regenerating the 
naval service, the Surveyor and the Controller 
of the Navy were both ' sequestered from their 
posts/ and their duties entrusted to a Board of 
Commissioners. 1 Of the forty- three vessels that 
were on the navy list at the time, nearly one-half 
on examination were found to be practically use- 
less, and it was resolved that, in order to bring 
the Navy up to its former strength, ten new ships 
should be built within the next five years. The 
Commissioners suggested that in future warships 
' should have the length treble to the breadth, and 
breadth in like proportion answerable to the depth, 
but not to draw above 16 foot water,' because, 
they stated in their report, ' deeper ships are 
seldom good sailers.' They must be ' somewhat 
snug built,' they advised, ' with double galleries, 
and not too lofty upper works, which overcharge 
many ships/ as was the case with those con- 
structed during the Elizabethan period. 2 Not 
only did they advise, but they saw their programme 
carried through, with a precision and punctuality 
that, to say the least of it, was remarkable, and by 
tjie end of 1623 the ten ships that they had pro- 
pdsed had been added to the Navy. Their names 
are given in the table on the following page. 3 

Thanks to the energy of the Commission, it 
is to this period that a definite revival in England's 
maritime interests can be traced. Following on 
their report, Buckingham was appointed Lord 
High Admiral in 1619, and the members of the 
Commission themselves were constituted as a 

1 5.P. Dom., James I, cv. 93. 

2 Charnock, Marine Architecture, ii. p. 249. 

3 S.P. Dom., James I, clvi. 12. The details of the ships are 
taken from Mr. Oppenheim's Naval Administrations, p. 202. 


permanent Naval Board in that year. 1 Although 
Buckingham did not bring to his high office the 
requisite knowledge of seamanship, his zeal in 
the administration of it stamped him as a man 
of indefatigable energy. In order to become 
thoroughly acquainted with every branch of the 
naval service, he surrounded himself with a group 
of able and experienced seamen, whose advice 
he sought, and whose suggestions for the improve- 
ment of the Navy he encouraged. 2 Prominent 




of Keel. 




Constant Reformation 



1 06 

Ft. Ins. 

35 6 

Ft. Ins. 

4 2 

Happy Entrance 




32 6 

14 o 





1 08 

35 9 

17 o 




68 3 


33 o 

16 o 






36 10 

16 8 






33 o 

15 8 


St. George 




37 o 

16 6 


St. Andrew 




37 o 

16 6 






37 o 

17 o 


Mary Rose 




27 o 

13 o 


among this little circle was Sir Henry Mainwaring, 
and from the time of Buckingham's appointment 
until his death in 1628, Mainwaring was continu- 
ally advising him on naval matters. 

1 They were Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Lionel Cranfield, Sir 
Richard Weston, Sir J. Wolstenholme, Nicholas Fortescue, 
John Osborne, Francis Gofton, Richard Sutton, William Pitt, 
John Coke, Thomas Norreys, and William Burrell (Charnock, 
ii. 204). 

a James, in his speech at the opening of Parliament in 
1621, was enthusiastic over his ' young Admiral's ' abilities. 
' Though he be young/ he informed Parliament, ' yet I find 
him true in faith, and an honest man . . . He took under 
himself divers Commissioners, as a young commander should 
do, the better to preserve him from error ' (Parl. Hist., vol. i. 
p. 1178). 


Though the services of the fleet had not been 
seriously requisitioned during the reign of James I, 
with the exception of Mansell's expedition to Algiers 
in 1620-21, and Rutland's voyage to Spain two 
years later, the Commissioners had accomplished 
their work so well, that by 1619 the Navy, as we have 
seen, was ready to spring into being as England's 
first arm of defence. To no continental power 
was this more apparent than to Spain, and Gon- 
domar, in his secret report on England in that 
year, emphasised the importance of keeping the 
peace with James on that account. The English 
nation was very rich, he informed Philip ; in a 
few weeks a powerful fleet could be manned and 
equipped, the sea would swarm with privateers, 
and, he added wisely, ' whoever was master at 
sea, would soon be master on shore/ 1 

Spain had certainly occasion to view the 
English naval reforms with alarm, for side by 
side with Buckingham's interest in the Navy, and 
in no less a degree pronounced, was the enthusiasm 
displayed by the King. ' The wooden walls of 
the kingdom,' the Lord Keeper informed Parlia- 
ment in 1621, were ' his Majesty's special care.' 2 
The same sentiment was shown in the King's speech 
to a deputation of both houses which waited on 
him at Theobalds in the March of 1624, when he 
struck the true keynote of British naval policy 
that was, the importance of having an ample 
margin in ships over our continental rivals. 
Though the Navy was in a better state than it 
had ever been before, he informed them, ' yet 
more must be done, before it can be prepared as 
it ought to be.' For that purpose ' a new charge ' 

1 From a document in the Simancas archives. Cited in 
Gardiner's England, iii. 283. 
8 Parl. Hist., vol. i. p. 1382. 


was necessary, ' as well for its own strength as 
for securing of the coasts/ * As a proof of his 
sincerity, within three months he decided to 
mobilize a fleet of twelve royal ships and thirty 
merchantmen for the defence of the realm, 2 and 
on his death in the following year the Navy 
bequeathed to his son consisted of the under- 
mentioned ships (see Table opposite). 3 

It was during the reign of James that a school 
of professional seamen were beginning to assert 
themselves. As a shipbuilder Phineas Pett stands 
out head and shoulders above his contemporaries ; 
while Mainwaring, towards the end of the reign, 
had compiled a treatise on seamanship, which he 
presented to Buckingham, whom he describes as 
' my most honoured Lord and Patron.' 4 Prior 
to this, numerous works had appeared on naviga- 
tion, but until Mainwaring committed pen to paper 
there ' was not so much as a means thought of, 
to inform any one of the practice of mechanical 
working of ships, with the proper terms belonging 
to them/ The fact was that hitherto seamen 
had preserved a sort of freemasonry concerning 
their profession, though probably an inability to 
express themselves in writing was responsible 
for a dearth of literature on the subject. 

Mainwaring, in writing of the Navy of the time, 
gives the following rules for fixing the lengths 
of masts and yards, which prior to the reign of 
James do not seem to have been governed by any 

1 Parl. Hist., vol. i. p. 1390. 

1 S.P. Venice; 1623-25, No. 410. 

B Oppenheim, pp. 207, 251. 

4 It remained in manuscript some twenty years, but was 
freely circulated among the naval commanders of the time. 
It was printed in 1644 under the title of The Seaman's 


proportion. 1 With the aid of this table, and the 






Prince ..... 




Bear ..... 




Merhonour .... 




Ann Royal .... 




Repulse .... 




Defiance .... 




Triumph .... 





St. George .... 




St. Andrew . 


. . 



Swiftsure .... 




Victory . . 




Constant Reformation 








Vanguard .... 




Rainbow .... 




.Rtf^ Lt'ow .... 




Assurance .... 




Nonsuch .... 

. . 




Bonaventure .... 




Garland .... 




Happy Entrance 




Convertive .... 




Dreadnought .'-.'. 

. . 




Antelope .... 




Adventure .... 


. . 



<*4fary .Rose .... 


. . 



Phoenix .... 


. . 



Moow 2 . 


. . 


Stfww Stays .... 


. . 



Charles ..... 

. . 

. . 



Desire . . ".' 




regulations propounded by the Naval Commission 
in 1618 as to building, we are able to gain some 

1 Charnock, ii. 196. 

2 The pinnace Moon is not mentioned in Mr. Oppenheim's 
list. That she was on the active list is shown by the report 
of the Naval Commission of 1626. 


idea of the structure and appearance of warships 
of the period. 1 

Main-mast . . f of the breadth of the ship 

multiplied by 3. 

Fore-mast . . f of the main-mast. 
Mizzen-mast . J the length of the main-mast. 
Bow-sprit . . | the length of the main-mast. 
Top-masts . . \ the length of the lower masts. 

' The bigness (of all masts) to be one inch to 
a yard in length/ 

Main-yard . . f the length of the keel 
Fore-yard . . -f of the main-yard. 
Top-sail-yard . f of the main-yard. 
Cross- jack-yard . f of the main-yard 
Sprit-sail-yard . f of the main-yard. 

' The bigness (of all yards) to be J of an inch 
for a yard in length/ 

While on the subject of ship-building it is 
interesting to note that the dockyards which were 
available for the purpose were at Deptford, Wool- 
wich, and Chatham, the latter being the most 
used. Strange as it may seem, Portsmouth is 
hardly mentioned till 1623, when it was decided 
to fill up the great dock there, and ram the mouth 
of it with stones for the better preservation of 
the yard against the violence of the sea. 2 Two 
years later, when Buckingham had persuaded 
Charles to declare war against Spain, and despatch 
a large fleet to Cadiz, Mainwaring came forward 
with a remarkable proposition to the Lord High 
Admiral, regarding the use of Portsmouth as a 
permanent naval base. In the paper which he 

1 Seaman's Dictionary, pp. 64-7, 117. 

2 Oppenheim, p. 210. This was the end of the first dry 
dock in England. 


presented to Buckingham on the subject, Main- 
waring set forth his reasons why some of the King's 
ships should be stationed at Portsmouth, and 
not all at Chatham, as was then the case. Raleigh 
had also held similar views, and in his ' Observa- 
tions on the Navy and Sea Service ' had dwelt on 
the inconvenience of Rochester and Chatham as 
a base for the fleet. 

It had long been pointed out that for a fleet 
to get round from the Thames to Portsmouth, 
entailed as much time and trouble as it did to get 
from that place to the Mediterranean. 1 As Main- 
waring remarked, the difference between Chatham 
and Portsmouth was ' as much as for one to have 
his sword drawn in his hand, whilst the other is 
rusty in his scabbard/ His paper, which is pre- 
served in the Public Record Office, is entitled, 
' Reasons to have some of the King's ships 
at Portsmouth rather than to be all at Chat- 
ham. By Sir Hen. Mainwaring.' 2 The following 
is a full transcript of the original document, 
which cannot fail to be of interest, in view of the 
important position that Portsmouth occupies in 
the naval world to-day. 

The going into the harbour deep and broad enough, 
and the narrowing not long, so that though there be no 
convenient breadth to turn in with a contrary wind, yet 
every small spurt of a fair wind will serve to bring a ship 
into the harbour, or else they may quickly warp in. 

The harbour within is roomy enough for more than 
100 sail of great ships, depth of water sufficient, the 
ground very good, the tide not so strong. The gust of 
wind not so violent as at Chatham, and therefore the 

1 Oppenheim, p. 296. 

2 S.P. Dom., Charles I, xiii. 62. Endorsed ' Reasons ex- 
pressing the fitness and necessity to have some of his Majesty's 
ships at Portsmouth . . . especially in this time of war.' 


mooring will not be so chargeable, and the ships ride 

The outlet very good for all northerly wind to go for 
the southward, and westerly wind to go for the north- 
ward, and if it do not overblow, the great ships may warp 
out all winds, and the less may kedge out. By reason 
whereof, taking the winds as they commonly fall, a fleet, 
especially of great ships, shall arrive sooner in Spain from 
Portsmouth than come from Chatham to the Isle of 
Wight, and so upon the matter in all such voyages a six 
weeks' pay of wages and charge of victuals might be 
saved to the King in every voyage, which is a great 

Also, ships may be much sooner in the Downs from 
hence, and with less danger than from Chatham, whence 
the great ships going through the sand are in great 
danger of storms, and the lesser (I mean the middle sort) 
of calms going over the flat, in case they should not fetch 
over in one tide, but be forced to anchor. Within the 
harbour it haines 1 enough to grave all such ships as 
either for build of mould under water, or charge of 
weight overhead, are fit to lie with the ground, and the 
graving place very firm and good ground. 

It is a very convenient place if need require to careen 
a ship in ; beside, the river of Hamble z is within two or 
three hours' sail, where ships may ride safely and careen 
with great ease and convenience. For the greater ships, 
it haines 1 sufficient to make a dock for the biggest ship in 
England, which dock I suppose will be made for less than 
3,000, wherein it will be a fit consideration to examine 
on which side the harbour it will be most convenient to 
make it ; I took no great notice of it, but I suppose that 
Gosport side will be the fitter. By reason that the 
breach doth set in on Portsmouth side, and the charge of 
this dock will be saved in the surplusaged charge in 

1 Hain = to raise, heighten, set up. (New English Dic- 

* The river Hamble, which empties itself into Southampton 
Water. At the mouth of the river is Hamble creek. In the 
I5th century it was a favourite roadstead for the Royal ships. 


transporting the ships about to Chatham in one year's 
voyage. And the dock for perpetual use, either in 
building, graving, or repairing of shipping, a consideration 
of greater importance, in respect there is not any dock 
in all the western parts of England. 

The harbour not given to mussels and foulness so much 
as at Chatham, by reason whereof, and the good outlet, 
"ships may go much cleaner to sea than now they do, 
which is a great commodity, especially in time of war. 

The bay without so good that ships may ride securely 
all winds, to attend either the proceeding or determining 
of a voyage. The ships safe by reason of the fort, and 
for less than half the charge of Gillingham Boom. 1 One 
may be made here to stop all manner of merchant ships 
from going so high as the King's, or in case this fort were 
not sufficient, a small charge will raise new platforms to 
plant more ordnance on them. In case it were possible 
to practise any treachery upon the King's Navy it is much 
safer to have them divided. The ships lying here it will 
be a great strength and security to the kingdom, either 
in offensive or defensive war, and most ready for other 
ordinary service, by reason they will be so ready to set 
sail. Where the difference between this and Chatham 
is as much as for one to have his sword drawn in his hand, 
whilst the other is rusty in his scabbard. 

All materials for building and repairing of shipping 
mucn cheaper, timber being much cheaper and sooner 
supplied than it is at Chatham, and iron better somewhat. 

All kinds of victuals better, and both cheap and 
more convenient to be boarded than at Chatham. 

A greater commodity for all seafaring men that are 
pressed out of the western ports, and profit to the King 
in saving so much conduct money to bring them to 
Chatham. And to them in respect they may bring their 
clothes and necessaries by boat, for want of which many 
perish in the King's ships. 

1 A chain was placed across the Medway at Upnor by 
Hawkins in 1585. It was replaced in 1623 by a boom made 
of 16 masts, 43 hundredweight of iron, and the hulls of two 
ships and two pinnaces (Oppenheim, p. 211). 


To have one-half or one-third part of the King's ships 
here would be a means to enrich one of the choicest ports 
and forts of the kingdom, which now decays for lack of 
trade and money. 

There are store-houses very convenient already built. 

There are many things concerning the managing of 
this design for the best advantage, wherein I shall be ready 
to deliver my weak opinion to your Grace if you please to 
command my further service, or think me worthy to be 
advised with. 

That Mainwaring's advice was acted upon 
is proved by the fact that in 1627 Buckingham 
caused estimates to be drawn up for the con- 
struction of a dock at Portsmouth ' on Gosport 
side/ as Mainwaring had proposed. This sugges- 
tion seems to have met with general approval, and 
Captain Giffard, a prominent naval official, wrote 
to the effect that he was very glad Buckingham 
had determined to build a new dock at Portsmouth, 
which procedure would be ' much to his honour, 
profitable to the King, and the only way for the 
good government of the Navy.' 1 

In the State Papers, under the date of 
September 10, 1627, * s a draft of the instructions 
issued to the Commissioners that were appointed 
to see into the matter. 2 Earlier in the year it was 
ordered that Robert Tranckmore and Jonas Day 
should be allowed the sum of 972 i6s. od. for 
making the dry dock there, with wharf, crane, 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixvi. 55. Among the Addit. MSS. 
in the British Museum (9294, ff. 315-19) is a paper entitled, 
Observations touching the Harbour at Portsmouth. It is fuller 
than Mainwaring's paper, but is unsigned. Though of a some- 
what later date, it was evidently copied from Mainwaring's, 
as parts of it are identical. Sir W. Monson was of the opinion 
that Chatham was the best and safest place for the fleet, and 
for his views on the subject the reader is referred to his 
Naval Tracts, Book V. * Ibid., Ixxvii. 29. 


saw-house, and two new lighters. 1 A further sum 
of 500 was estimated in September for the 
work, and prominent among the Commissioners 
were William Burrell and the Mayor of Ports- 
mouth ; 'Sir Hen. Main waring, Kt., to be Con- 
troller/ 2 

As no further steps appear to have been taken 
in the matter, it is to be assumed that 
Buckingham's death in the following year deferred 
the project. In 1630 Pett and Sir Thomas 
Aylesbury among others were sent down to 
Portsmouth, with instructions to report on its 
adaptabilities as a station for the fleet. They 
were, however, adverse in their opinions regarding 
the construction of a dry dock, thinking the rise 
and fall of the tide too little, and they reported 
' there is no use of any there.' 3 

One reason why Portsmouth was not adopted 
earlier as a permanent naval station was owing 
to the diverse opinions that were expressed as to 
the existence of a particular worm in the harbour, 
which played havoc with ships both sheathed 
and unsheathed. 4 In August 1630 a commission 
consisting of all the principal officers of the Navy, 
with six of the chief masters of the Trinity House, 
was sent down to Portsmouth to report on the 
existence or not of this maritime pest. Phineas 
Pett, who was one of the commission, records 
that ' there was much dispute and contrariety 
about the business,' and in the November following 
he was again sent down ' to search and inquire 
about the worm.' Several master shipwrights 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixii. 54. 
z Ibid., Ixvii. 29. 

3 Oppenheim, pp. 296-7. 

4 For an account of this worm, the Teredo Navalis, see 
Hawkin's Voyages, 1878 (Hakluyt Soc.), p. 202. 


accompanied Pett, and they found, ' upon oath,' 
that the existence of the pest was only ' a rumour 
raised to hinder the keeping of any of his Majesty's 
ships in that harbour.' 1 Nevertheless, from this 
time onwards some of the Royal Navy were always 
stationed there, but it was not until eight years 
later that a master shipwright entered into per- 
manent residence. 2 The dry-dock, however, was 
not started till 1656, when the first Dutch war 
proved both the wisdom and the necessity of 
a base at Portsmouth. 

As previously stated, at the time of 
Mainwaring's proposal concerning Portsmouth, 
England had declared war against Spain, and a 
fleet consisting of 9 royal ships, and about 80 
other vessels, which conveyed a land force of 
10,000 men, was despatched to Cadiz under the 
command of Sir Edward Cecil. The King's ships 
and their commanders were 3 : 

Anne Royal . Admiral, Sir Edward Cecil. Sir 
Thomas Love, Captain 

Swiftsure . Vice-Admiral, the Earl of Essex. 
Sir S. Argall, Captain. 

St. Andrew . Rear- Admiral, the Earl of Den- 
bigh. Sir John Watts, Captain. 

Reformation. Viscount Valentia. Raleigh Gil- 
bert, Captain. 

Rainbow . Sir John Chudleigh. 

Convertive . Sir W. St. Leger. Captain Porter. 

St. George . Lord Delaware. Sir M. Geere, 

Bonaventure Lord Cromwell. Captain Collins. 

Dreadnought Sir Beverly Newcome. 

1 Phineas Pett, p. 145. 

* Oppenheim, p. 297. 

3 Glanville's Journal, pp. 125-7. 


Cecil, it will be remembered, had been 
Mainwaring's opponent in the Dover election of 
1624, and although he had achieved fame as a 
soldier in the Low Countries, he was entirely 
ignorant of naval warfare. The fleet, which was 
divided into three squadrons, eventually left 
Plymouth on the 8th of October, 1625, an d arrived 
off Cadiz a fortnight later. It is not within the 
scope of this book to give an account of the 
subsequent operations there of the English fleet. 1 
Suffice it to say that Cadiz was ' considered too 
strong to assault,' and by the 2Qth Cecil had 
withdrawn his troops, and the fleet thereupon 
directed its attention to the Spanish treasure 
ships which were due to arrive from America. 
On the 4th of November, while the English 
commander was lying in wait off Cape St. Vincent, 
the Spanish ships, by taking a southerly route, 
reached Cadiz two days after Cecil's squadron had 

By the end of November the English ships 
' were do.ven home in scattered groups, with no 
semblance of discipline or cohesion left.' 2 The 
expedition, which owed its origin to the Duke of 
Buckingham, proved a complete failure, and some 
of the chief causes of this are not difficult to 
ascertain. The old abuses, which the Naval Com- 
mission of 1618 had attempted to reform, had 
crept into the service again. Fraudulent officials 
had supplied the fleet with rotten cordage ; the 
ships themselves were unseaworthy and leaky ; 
while the unwholesome food that had been shipped 
aboard had stricken the crews with sickness. 

1 For a detailed account, the reader is referred to Glan- 
ville's Journal, published by the Camden Society ; Penn's 
Navy under the Early Stuarts ; and Dalton's Lije oj Sir E. 
Cecil. * Corbett, England in the Mediterranean, i. 160. 


Cecil informed Coke that there was ' hardly 
a ship of the whole fleet clean enough for the chase 
of a prize/ and there was ' a crying out of leaks 
and dangers of the King's ships/ which were old 
and unfit for those seas. This statement was 
borne out by his flag-captain, Sir Thomas Love, 
who wrote to Buckingham that the men ' fell 
sick so fast ; our victuals proved bad, and drink 
scant, and many ships, especially the King's ships, 
so weak and leak/ 1 In Sir Michael Geere's ship, 
the St. George, ' one shift of sails were the old 
Triumph's in '88/ and the other suit of sails were 
those discarded from the Ann Royal. ' Our fore 
shrouds/ he wrote, ' were the old Garland's ; our 
store of new ropes, when we came to open the coils, 
were of divers pieces, and the best of them stark 
rotten, but fairly tarred over/ z On his return 
Cecil was subjected to severe criticism, and an 
inquiry was held into his conduct of the expedition. 
Such a procedure might have been beneficial to 
the service generally if it had involved also the 
examination of the Victualler of the Navy, and 
the various dockyard officials who were certainly 
deserving of censure, but it did not. These in- 
dividuals escaped punishment, and Charles 
immediately set his heart on the preparation of 
another fleet, which was to sail in the summer of 
1626, to retrieve Cecil's failure of the previous 

Though money to equip the expedition was 
only found with the utmost difficulty, and the 
seamen deserted daily, a fleet of 39 sail, including 
the Triumph, Vanguard, Swiftsure, Red Lion, 
Bonaventure, and Convertive, eventually left 
Stokes Bay towards the end of September, under 

1 Dalton's Life of Cecil, ii. pp. 216, 230. 
3 Ibid., p. 226. 


the command of Lord Willoughby, another pro- 
fessional soldier. 1 By the time the fleet had 
reached Torbay, several ships were found to be 
leaky, and in consequence had to be sent back. 2 
On the I2th of October, while crossing the Bay of 
Biscay, a storm, which raged for two days, so 
severely buffeted his already unseaworthy squadron, 
that Willoughby was forced to return to England. 
His ships had proved ' so leaky/ and ' so weak 
under the weight of their ordnance/ that a con- 
temporary records, had they been ' but a hundred 
leagues further at sea ' they would have prob- 
ably foundered. The Triumph, Willoughby 's flag- 
ship, built in 1623, n this her firs^v/oyage, proved 
the weakest of the squadron, anTrspent her bow- 
sprit, foremast, and mainyard, besides springing 
' a principal knee forward on/ 3 

Both Cecil's and Willoughby's crews were in a 
state of mutiny, and earlier in the year it had been 
brought to the notice of the King that a debt of 
4,000 a month was being incurred for want of 
14,000 to pay off the seamen, who were forced 
to steal in order to supply themselves with clothing 
and food. 4 Neither were the officers in some cases 
better provided for, and several of them petitioned 
Buckingham for their discharge, stating that 
neither pay nor food was forthcoming, and but 
for the hospitality of their friends they would 
have starved. 5 

Towards the end of November the temper of 
the seamen was unmistakable, and 300 of them 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, xxxii. 74. The Earl of Denbigh 
was his vice-admiral, and Capt. John Pennington his rear- 
admiral (Court and Times of Charles I, i. 139). 

2 Ibid., xxxvii. 20. 

3 Court and Times of Charles I, i. 160. 

* Oppenheim, p. 227. 6 Ibid., 224. 


marched to London to demand their pay. On 
reaching the residence of Sir William Russell, the 
Treasurer of the Navy, they broke open the gates, 
and would have ' plucked ' that dignity ' by the 
ears, had he not given them fair words/ * 

The sudden and unexpected return of 
Willoughby's fleet, and the growing spirit of dis- 
content among the seamen, at last stung Charles 
into action. It was obvious that he could no longer 
delay an inquiry into his maritime affairs, the state 
of which, as revealed in the two last expeditions, 
threatened the safety of the realm. On the I2th 
of December, therefore, he appointed a Special 
Commission, consisting of the Duke of Buckingham ; 
the Earls of Bridgewater, Pembroke, Totnes, 
Denbigh, and Marlborough the Lord Treasurer; 
Sir Edward Cecil and Lord Willoughby, who, in 
spite of their failures, had now been created Vis- 
count Wimbledon and Earl of Lindsey respectively ; 
William, Lord Hervey, and Edward, Lord Herbert ; 
Sir John Coke, Mainwaring, Sir Sackville Trevor, 
Sir Robert Cotton, Sir Thomas Love, Sir William 
Heydon, Sir John Watts, Sir John Trevor, and 
Captains John Pennington, Richard Giffard, and 
Phineas Pett. 2 ' His Majesty,' so runs the original 
warrant, ' having entered into a resolution of a 
speedy reformation, to prevent all inconveniency 
and dangers which may grow by the negligence, 
corruption, or abuse of officers, or other undue 
means crept in, to the weakening or impairing of 
the Navy, or the means provided for the mainten- 
ance thereof, and to take order in all other defects, 
and to provide for payment of such sums as are 

1 Court and Times of Charles I, i. 175. 

S.P. Dom., Charles I, xlii. n. The other Commissioners 
were Sir John Savile, Thomas Aylesbury, and Sackville 


due.' * In the choice of his ' Council of the Sea/ 
as it is called by a contemporary, 2 Charles showed 
considerable tact and judgment. Unlike his 
father's commission of 1618, he placed a leavening 
of practical seamen on it, in the hope that their 
presence and suggestions would enable him to 
convince Parliament of the Navy's urgent need 
of supplies. Pennington had acted as Raleigh's 
Vice-Admiral in the expedition to the Orinoco, 
and had been constantly afloat since. Pett had 
served as a carpenter's mate as early as 1592, and 
had, besides his professional duties, taken part in 
the expeditions of 1620 and 1623. Giffard had been 
engaged by the East India Company in 1614 for a 
voyage to the Straits of Magellan, having the 
' courage, art, and knowledge to attempt such an 
enterprise/ and was in command of one of the 
royal ships in 1626. Lord Hervey was an Eliza- 
bethan veteran who had distinguished himself 
against the Armada, and in the attack on Cadiz 
in 1596. ^ir Sackville Trevor had held naval 
commands since 1602, and his elder brother, Sir 
John, had acted as Surveyor of the Navy from 
1598 to 1611. Watts was the son of a wealthy 
merchant and ship-owner, who had fought against 
the Armada. He himself had been knighted for 
his services in the Cadiz expedition of 1625, and 
at the time of his appointment was adjudged one 
of the best seamen in England. Love appears 
to have been in the service of the East India Com- 
pany prior to 1620, when he took part in Mansell's 
expedition to Algiers. As Cecil's flag-captain in the 
Cadiz expedition he ' played the Captain, Master, 
and all other offices in the ship/ 3 Main waring, 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, xli. 84. 

* Court and, Times oj Charles I, i. 182. 

3 Dalton's Life of Cecil, ii. 244. 


at the time of his appointment to this ' Council 
of the Sea/ was Surveyor of the Navy, according 
to the statement of Sir John Oglander, the Deputy 
Governor of the Isle of Wight. 1 This is the only 
record we have that Mainwaring was ever Surveyor, 
though in effect it is probably true. When the 
officers of the Navy were ' sequestered from their 
posts ' in 1619, their duties were entrusted to a 
Board of Naval Commissioners for five years, and 
one of their number, Thomas Norreys, acted as 
Surveyor. When this commission was renewed, 
it is not known who acted in Norrey's place, but 
it was probably Mainwaring. Certainly most of 
his work was well within the functions of that 
office. The ' Council of the Sea' appears to have 
acted a good deal by committees, and when such 
a committee was constituted for surveyor's duties, 
Mainwaring appears as its first member. Thus 
on December I3th, the day following the appoint- 
ment of the Special Commission, a warrant was 
given ' to our loving friends Sir Henry Mainwaring, 
Knight, Captain Pennington, and Phineas Pett/ 
authorising them to repair to Rochester, Chatham, 
and Gillingham, and prepare the King's ships there 
for a survey. 2 The undermentioned list gives 
the names of the ships that were in the Medway 
and in dry dock at Chatham. It is of particular 
interest, as being a very early instance of ships 
classed under rates. 3 

1 Oglander Memoirs: ed. W. H. Long, p. 15. Oglander 
was a relation by marriage, and he styles Mainwaring as 
' that quondam famous pirate/ who on sea ' had not many 

2 S.P. Dom., Charles I, xlii. 12. 

3 Ibid., xlii. 127. In some cases the names of the Com- 
missioners who surveyed a particular ship are given in the 
margin. The Vanguard, Mer honor, Victory, and Reformation 
have 'Sir H. Mainwaring.' 


1. Prince Royal. 3. Dreadnought. 
Merhonor. Adventure. 
Bear. Moon. 

Anne Royal. Henrietta, pinnace. 

George, drumler. 

2. Dieu Repulse. Eagle, lighter. 
Defiance. Desire, pinnace new re- 
Red Lion. turned from sea. 


Assurance. Esperance ) p r j zes 

Victory. George ) 


Mary Rose. 

By the 2Oth of December Mainwaring and his 
colleagues had finished their business at Chatham, 
and were present at a meeting of the Commission 
at the Star Chamber two days later. 1 On Main- 
waring's suggestion it was decided that the 
Victory and |rhe Rainbow, then in dry dock, 
should be repaired and launched to give place 
to the Vanguard and Reformation. A suggestion 
of William Burrell, the Master shipwright, that 
the Bonaventure should be cut down a deck 
lower in order to ' make her sail as well as any 
ships in Dunkirk/ was also agreed to, as was his 
proposal to girdle the Victory. On the 27th of 
the month, several of the Commissioners, in- 
cluding Mainwaring, were authorised to ' view 
the defects of his Majesty's Navy and the stores 
thereof ' at Chatham, Woolwich, and Deptford. 

1 Except where otherwise stated, the information in this 
chapter is taken from the minutes of the proceedings of the 
Special Commissioners from Dec. 12, 1626, to May 17, 1627, 
entitled, Book of the Orders and Entries about the Survey 
of his Majesty's Navy, 1626 (S.P. Dom., Charles I, vol. xlv.). 


Early in the new year the Commissioners 
assembled at Chatham for that purpose, and a 
general survey of the hulls, masts, yards, tops, and 
rigging of the various ships was commenced under 
their direction. As an illustration of the de- 
plorable condition into which the royal ships had 
been allowed to drift, two instances may be 
sighted, that of the Swiftsure and Triumph, built 
in 1621 and 1623 respectively. On examination, 
the former was found to have her bowsprit sprung 
in two places ; the bolts of the cross-pillars 
in the hold broken ; the cook room so decayed 
that the sailors were afraid of firing the ship ; 
while her bows were ' very leaky under the lining 
of the hawse/ It was reported that in a storm 
she shipped so much water that the crew ' pumped 
200 stroke a watch/ with their main-pump in 
order to keep her afloat. The catalogue of the 
defects in the Triumph was no less serious. 
Owing to her rudder being too small, she would 
not steer properly ; the main knee of her beak- 
head was broken, as was also her bow-sprit. Of 
her masts, the foremast was cracked, the main- 
mast weak, and the main-mizzen mast broken. 
From these two instances we may judge the 
amount of work that the Commissioners were 
confronted with. Not only did they note the 
defects, but they took full particulars of the 
dimensions of each ship. From Chatham they 
proceeded to Rochester, and on the 7th of January 
the Earl of Denbigh, Main waring, and Sir John 
Watts surveyed the Merhonour, while their col- 
leagues examined the Assurance and the Rainbow. 
On the following day they were back at Chatham, 
where a letter was received from Buckingham 
regretting his inability to be present, and 
requesting them to prepare a fleet for immediate 


service. ' I desire you,' he wrote, ' to be pleased 
to take a speedy and effectual course for 
the present surveying, repairing, and making 
ready of about twenty or so of the most service- 
able ships of his Majesty's Navy as may be 
made ready for service by the end of February.' 
To this end the Commissioners made an almost 
superhuman effort to supply the Lord Admiral's 
demand, but their appeals to the shipwrights 
and others employed at Chatham dockyard to 
hurry on the necessary repairs were futile. It 
was not that the men were unpatriotic. They 
had genuine grievances, and until they were 
rectified they refused to render any further 
service. In answer to the Commissioner's re- 
quest, they took the opportunity to present 
a petition to the effect that for twelve months 
they had been ' without one penny pay, neither 
having any allowance for meat or drink, by 
which many of tfiem, having pawned all they can, 
others turned out of doors for non-payment of 
rent, which with the cries of their wives and 
children for food and necessaries, doth heavily 
dishearten them.' l Nor were the crews of the 
various ships, when approached, in a happier 
frame of mind, or more ready to carry out 
Buckingham's wishes. Those of the Lion, Van- 
guard, and Reformation, numbering in all about 
750 men, stated that they had neither clothes 
on their backs, shoes on their feet, nor credit on 
shore. 2 The seamen of the Vanguard drew up a 
petition stating that by reason of the ill- 
providing and bad meat, want of firing, lodging, 
clothing, and other necessaries, they were forced 
to lie on the open deck, which with the non- 

1 Oppenheim, p. 230. 

8 5.P. Dom., Charles I. xlix. 68, 


payment of their wages, and the inclemency of the 
weather, would force them to take some very 
' prejudicial courses/ unless their ' insupportable 
distresses ' were attended to. 1 Thus, from these 
touching appeals, we may see the difficulties 
that the Commissioners had to contend with, 
and the chaos, to say nothing of fraud, that 
existed in the administrative departments of 
the Navy. It was not within the power of the 
Commissioners to afford the petitioners any relief, 
though they wrote to Buckingham on the i6th 
of January and informed him of the true con- 
dition of things. ' The carpenters and workmen 
here/ they wrote, ' have complained unto us, 
that for one whole year and upwards they were 
behind hand of their wages, and that they are 
no longer able to continue their service without 
some present relief/ In the meantime, as no 
satisfaction was forthcoming at Chatham, the 
workmen left the dockyard in a body and marched 
to London, to lay their grievances before Bucking- 
ham and the Treasurer of the Navy. 2 

By the end of the month the Commissioners 
had completed the survey and returned to 
London. The result of their labours was dis- 
.cussed at a special meeting held in the Star 
Chamber on the ist of February, 1626-7, at which 
there were present the Earl of Denbigh, Viscount 
Wimbledon, Lord Hervey, Lord Herbert, Sir 
Sackville Trevor, Sir Henry Mainwaring, Sir 
John Watts, Captain Giffard and Captain Pett. 
It was then resolved that an account of the sur- 
veys of the ships at Chatham should be digested 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, xlix. 71. 

2 In the following April their position was laid before the 
Council by Buckingham, but what was done in the matter is 
not recorded (S.P. Dom., Ixi. 78). 




in brief, and for that purpose the following table 
was afterwards drawn up 1 : 

Names of the Ships. 


Estimate of 

Time for 

Service for which 
they are able. 

with ordinary 

s. d. 

Prince Royal 


469 ii 4 

8 weeks 


3 yrs. or 

upon the 





546 o o 

6 weeks 


Many yrs. 

Anne Royal 


973 6 o 

3 weeks 


6 or 7 yrs. 

for only 



White Bear 





268 15 o 



Many yrs. 




903 2 5 

7 weeks 


Many yrs. 

Dieu Repulse 


213 10 o 

4 weeks 


4 or 5 yrs. 

for a sum- 

mer's voyage 



221 2 O 

7 weeks 


2 or 3 yrs. 

Red Lion 


347 10 8 

6 weeks 


Many yrs. 



790 5 9 

6 weeks 


Many yrs. 



582 17 o 

7 weeks 


Many yrs. 



248 o 4 

5 weeks 


4 or 5 yrs. 

Constant Re- 


543 9 o 

10 weeks 


Many yrs. 


A ssurance 


242 15 6 

7 or 8 

On the coast 

2 or 3 yrs. 




687 6 6 

5 weeks 


Many yrs. 

Mary Rose 


88 9 o 

7 or 8 


Many yrs. 

A dventure 


142 18 o 

7 or 8 


3 yrs. at 



Moon, pinnace 

54 12 9 

2 weeks 

Any service 

A long time 

7.323 ii 3 

The most striking point revealed by the 
survey was that out of thirty ships on the active 
list at the death of James, no less than nineteen 
(including the Swiftsure and Triumph at Wool- 
wich, not included in the above list) were in 
need of substantial repairs, and one had become 
unserviceable. It is almost incredible, but never- 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, xlv. 


theless a fact, that in the short space of three 
years since the Navy Commissioners had finished 
their programme, two -thirds of the Navy should 
have become unseaworthy. The prime causes 
of this astonishing decay were no doubt the 
financial straits in which the Government found 
themselves, and the corruption and peculation of 
the various officials employed in the dockyards 
and elsewhere. Although in this respect the 
Commissioners summoned before them and 
examined William Burrell, the Master ship- 
wright ; Kenrick Edisbury, the Paymaster of 
the Navy ; Roger Parr, the Clerk to the Navy 
Commissioners ; and John Wells, keeper of naval 
stores, among others, no steps appear to have 
been taken to prevent a recurrence of the 
evils that existed. Phineas Pett, one of the 
Special Commissioners, stated that the Com- 
mission ' trenched so far upon some great per- 
sonages that it was let fall, and nothing to any 
purpose done in it,' 1 and herein probably lies 
the secret of the reluctance of the Government 
to punish the offenders. 

Strange as it may seem, the ' great personages ' 
were certainly some of the Navy Commissioners 
of 1619, who in a few years had become parties 
to the very abuses and frauds that they had 
been appointed to check and reform. Four 
years after they assumed office, Sir John Coke, 
probably the most honest and scrupulous of their 
number, wrote, that although he had laboured 
to have a frame of government that would dis- 
cover errors in their accounts, his plan had been 
overruled. ' All kept right until the Algiers 
voyage,' Coke reported in August, 1623, 'when 

1 Phineas Pett, p. 137. 


there was dealing on the part of some Commis- 
sioners in passing off their own wares amongst 
the provisions then laid in, which has continued 
occasionally since/ One of his colleagues, William 
Burrell, Coke accused of buying provisions whole- 
sale and selling them to the Service retail ; while 
another, Thomas Norreys, Surveyor, ' instead 
of limiting the faults ' of the boatswains and 
others, was a party to their waste of govern- 
ment stores. 1 The keeper of naval stores, John 
Wells, when examined before the Special Com- 
missioners, presented a petition, stating that 
seven and a half years' pay was due to him, 
and suggested that in order to compensate him 
for his labours, the Commissioners should allow 
him to sell such stores at Deptford and Chatham 
as were unserviceable ! z In this he was prob- 
ably already an adept, for, as Mr. Oppenheim 
shrewdly remarks, unless he was more honest 
than his fellows, the crown, if it did not pay him 
directly, had to do so indirectly. 3 

The most damaging evidence brought before 
the Commission was that preferred against Burrell, 
who in 1619 had been appointed by his fellow 
commissioners to be in charge of all ship-building 
and repairs at a salary of 300 a year. 4 

The ten ships that he had been entrusted 
to build for the Navy between that date and 
1623 had not come up to expectations in the 
late expedition, and on being docked and surveyed 
they were found to be very defective. The 
following catalogue of their defects as drawn 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cli. 35. 

2 Ibid., xliii. 47. 

3 Administrations of the Navy, p. 230. 

4 In 1624 Burrell was accused of behaving ' most foully 
and corruptly' (Hist. MSS. Com., 12!, 176). 


up by the Special Commissioners, which has 
not been printed before, proves that his work 
was not up to the level of his contemporary, 
Phineas Pett. 1 

Reformation. -For materials sufficient. Well bound within 
and without board ; warlike and well countenanced. 
Bears a good sail, and worketh well at sea, saving that 
the beams of the false orlop have but one standing 
knee upon the end of the beams, whereas there 
should be two small knees ' wyned ' with them, all 
well bolted. The main orlop is laid so low, as there 
can be no use made of her lower tier of ordnance in 
any reasonable gale of wind. 

Victory. Well sized in her timbers, but foot wales fewer. 
So weak and tender sided that she is ordered to be 
girdled with 4 inch plank between the wales. To 
have two more wales without, more beams, knees, 
and iron work. Spar deck to be cut down. 

Entrance. At sea, and not yet surveyed. 2 

Garland. Sufficiently sized in her scantlings, but wanting 
strength in her inner bindings. Very tender sided. 
Held an imperfect ship, and reported a slug of sail. 
To be girdled with 4 inch plank, with addition of 
main knee in her binding of timber, and standing 
knees upon the orlop. 

Swiftsure. A very weak ship. Undersized in the 
scantling of her whole frame in comparison of the 
former. Her main binding of footwales but 6 inch 
or little more, too few in number and too thin in 
substance, all ill-nailed. The keelson insufficient. 
All her inner binding but 4 inch plank, her main 
beams n and 12 foot asunder. 

Bonaventure. In the self same manner, a weak, very 
tender sided, and a labouring ship. To be girdled, 

1 'Defects of his Majesty's ten new ships built by Mr. 
Burrell ' (S.P. Dom., Charles I, lii. 52). 

2 There is no evidence that she was ever surveyed by the 
Special Commissioners. 


St. George. Sufficient for sizes and scantlings, 1 but her 
bindings of footwales 2 and clamps 3 too few and too 
thin. Her keelson not broad and deep enough for a 
ship of her burthen. Her main beams sufficient for 
substance and kneeing, but slenderly bolted. The 
beams 4 also of the false orlop having but two knees 
at an end. She wanteth a wale of timber in the 
place of her chainwale, which is but 4 inch plank. 
A well-conditioned ship, but thought somewhat 

St. Andrew. Scantlings, timber, and frame sufficient, but 
binding not sufficient, having but 4 strakes of 
foot-waling upon the rest in the floors. Slender 
clamped under the beams of the main orlop. Binding 
between the clamps of footwales but 4 inch plank. 
The beams and knees of both orlops ill fayed, and 
wanting much iron work within and without board. 
Reported a very good conditioned ship. 

Triumph. Sufficient for sizes and scantlings of her 
frame, but wanting within board bindings of iron 
work ; wales and chainwales without board. All 
her great masts unserviceable. 

Mary Rose. Tender sided, hard of steering, and said a 
slug of a sail. She hath been furred and girdled, 
and lengthened abaft with a false post and false 

When it is remembered that with such war- 
ships as these weak and tender sided, supplied 
with rotten cordage and old sails both Cecil 
and Willoughby had been expected to deal a 
vital blow to Spanish sea power, it is no small 

1 The dimension of any piece of timber with regard to its 
breadth and thickness (Falconer). 

* The inside planking or lining of a ship over the floor- 

3 Clamps were thick timbers placed fore and aft, close 
under the beams of the first orlop or deck. 

* Cross timbers which kept the ship's sides asunder, and 
supported the decks or orlops. 


wonder that they failed. In discussing the failure, 
historians with one or two exceptions have shown 
an inclination to ascribe the cause of it to the 
incompetence of the commanders and the decad- 
ence of English seamanship ; but it is doubtful 
whether, even in the hands of the Elizabethan 
sailors, such vessels could have achieved the 
object for which they were despatched. Though 
Cecil and Willoughby were undoubtedly ignorant 
of sea affairs, and the morale of the seamen, through 
their scandalous treatment, was not up to the level 
of those of Elizabeth's reign, the real cause of the 
failure is to be found in the bad construction 
and equipment of the ships, as revealed in the 
report of Mainwaring and his colleagues, rather 
than in the seamen themselves. 1 A letter- 
writer of the time believed that ' Burrell, one 
of the late commissioners, and the chief car- 
penter over these works, a man friendless and 
yet full of money, must pay for all. Whether by 
his neck or purse, or both, I know not/ he wrote. 2 
Burrell, however, never suffered bodily or finan- 
cially for his misdeeds, and continued in Govern- 
ment employ for some time afterwards. 3 

At a meeting of the Special Commissioners 
on the 3rd of February, 1626-7, the question of a 
dock at Portsmouth was again raised by Main- 
waring, and the ' seventeen reasons in writing ' 
which he produced for the edification of his 

1 In the nine royal ships that comprised Cecil's fleet, five 
of the above were included, and in Willoughby 's expedition 
three out of the six were built by Burrell. The Reformation 
took part in Mansell's expedition to Algiers, and the Bonaven- 
ture, St. George, and St. A ndrew in Rutland's voyage to Spain. 

' Court and Times of Charles I, i. 185. Letter from 
London, January 19, 1626-7. 

a Burrell died in 1630, and was succeeded as chief ship- 
wright by Phineas Pett. 


colleagues, 'were publicly read and approved of.' 
As a result ' it was ordered that the old dock 
should be repaired and new digged, or a new 
one made there/ 

Finally, the question of the seamen's pay 
was discussed, and six days later a warrant was 
given to Mainwaring, Sir John Watts, Sir Sack- 
ville Crow, and Captain John Pennington, to 
repair aboard his Majesty's ships that were in 
the Thames, or in dock at Woolwich or Deptford, 
for the purpose of examining the pursers' books, 
and reporting any arrears of pay that were due 
to the Captains, Masters, and mariners. 1 A 
new scale of wages had been formulated in 1626, 
and those of the ordinary seamen, who had 
received los. a month during the reign of James 
I, were raised to 155., while boys received 75. 6d. 
a month in all rates of ships. For officers and 
others the monthly wages were fixed at 2 : Captains, 
I4/. to 4/. 6s. 8d. in a 6th rate ; lieutenants, 
3/. los. to 2/. i6s. in a 3rd rate ; masters, 4/. 135. gd. 
to 2/. 55. 8d. in a 6th rate ; pilots and boatswains, 
2/. 55. to i/. 35. AfA. in a 6th rate ; yeomen of 
halliards, sheets, tacks, and jears, i/. 55. to i/. is. 
in a 5th rate ; master carpenters, i/. 175. 6d. 
to i/. is. in a 6th rate ; pursers and master gunners, 
2/. to i/. 35. ^d. in a 6th rate ; steward and 
cook, i/. 55. to 175. 6d. in a 6th rate ; surgeons, 
i/. los. all rates ; coxswains, i/. 55. to i/. in a 6th 
rate ; quarter gunners, i/. to 175. 6d. in a 6th rate. 

1 Sir William Russell, the Treasurer of the Navy, had 
reported that up to the end of October, 1626, a sum of 
27,303 i6s. n^. was due (S.P. Dom., xl. 52). 

1 Charnock, ii. 277. The wages of seamen and gunners 
were subject to a deduction of 6d. for the Chatham Chest, 
which had been founded in 1590 for the relief of injured and 
disabled sailors (Oppenheim, p. 245). 


On the 1 8th of the month the Special Com- 
missioners met at Whitehall in the presence of 
the King, and a report of their proceedings was 
submitted to Charles. On this occasion Bucking- 
ham acted as spokesman for his fellow commis- 
sioners, and after having summed up ' the marrow 
and quintessence of their consultations/ he en- 
deavoured to persuade Charles ' to employ his 
whole revenue of the subsidies of tonnage and 
poundage towards the present defence of 
the seas.' His reason was ' because it was given 
by the Parliament to his Majesty's predecessors 
for that end. For this year,' Buckingham in- 
formed Charles, 'all the whole revenue must be 
expended in that way, but in the year to come,' 
he added, ' he hoped it would require the disburse- 
ment of but half.' 1 The 'pains and diligence' 
of his colleagues was highly praised by Bucking- 
ham, and certainly their efforts merited some 
recognition. For not only did they decide on 
repairing the then existing ships, but in view of 
the serious menace to our maritime supremacy 
that the rebuilding of the French navy presented, 
they suggested that eighteen new ships and two 
pinnaces should be forthwith commenced for the 
constant guard of the Narrow Seas. Of these, 
five were to be of 600 tons ; five of 400 tons ; 
four of 300 tons ; and four of 200 tons. The two 
pinnaces were to be from twelve to fifteen tons, 
with a deck, and ' to go with oars and sails.' They 
were to be armed with two guns each, and to 
have ' 12 banks on a side.' 2 

This desire of the Special Commissioners 
' to speedily perfect the good work they had 

1 Court and Times of Charles I, i. 196. 

2 See Volume II ., where this interesting document is printed 
in full. 


begun/ was shared in no less a degree by the 
King, who made a determined effort to carry 
out their suggestions. Among the propositions 
for a supply which he tendered to Parliament 
when it met in 1628 was the following : The 
furnishing of 30 ships with men and victuals 
to guard the Narrow Seas and along the coasts. 
The building of 20 ships yearly for the increase 
of the Navy. The supply of stores for the Navy, 
and the payment of arrears to the Treasurer 
of the Navy. 1 Unfortunately Charles, who was 
always at loggerheads with his Parliaments, 
failed to convince them of the urgency of the 
need, and in consequence the sparse supplies 
that were forthcoming would not admit of his 
ship-building programme being carried into effect. 2 
Following on the -Special Commissioners' report, 3 
the only ships added to the Navy in 1627 were 
ten small vessels, each of 185 tons gross tonnage, 
known as the Lion's Whelps. 4 

At the end of February, 1628, the King ap- 
pointed a committee, consisting of the Lord 
High Admiral, the Lord Treasurer, and others 
to consider the best means for raising money, 5 

1 Parliamentary Hist., vol. ii. p. 246. 

2 In 1625, 140,000 was voted (about half the cost of the 
fleet for that year) ; in 1626, nothing ; and in 1628, 350,000, 
whereas 1,300,000 was asked for, for the needs of the army 
and navy. 

3 The last meeting of the Special Commission was held 
in the Star Chamber on May 17, 1627, a ^ which Mainwaring, 
who had taken a prominent part in their proceedings from 
the first, was present. 

4 'These were the only vessels constructed for the Navy 
prior to 1632. They were ' the first representatives, in inten- 
tion, although not in form, of the regular sloop and gunboat 
class' (Oppenheim, p. 256). 

5 S.P. Dom., Charles I, xciii. 80. 


and an interesting suggestion that was pro- 
pounded by Sir John Coke for obtaining money 
for fitting out a fleet is worth recording. His 
idea was to found a Loyal Association, the 
members of which were to be pledged to serve 
the King ' with their persons, goods, and might.' 
The fees payable on admission to this association 
were to be graduated in proportion to the rank of 
the person admitted. In return they were to be 
privileged to wear in their hats a riband or badge 
of the King's colour, and were to be entitled to 
precedence at all public meetings. 1 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixxxviii. 78. Nothing further is 
heard of this suggestion, though, in view of the monetary 
difficulty of the country, it was certainly worthy of serious 




WHILE the Special Commissioners were making 
every effort to reform and perfect the Navy and 
the naval service generally, the relations between 
England and France were daily becoming more 
strained. For some time both countries had 
been carrying on semi-privateering operations, 
and in December, 1626, the English people were 
reported to be ' frantic ' over the detention of 
200 ships at Bordeaux that were engaged in the 
wine trade. 1 The depredations committed on 
our merchant shipping, coupled with the success 
that was attending Richelieu's efforts to make 
France a prominent naval power, considerably 
widened the breach. 2 

Spain, with whom we were still in a state of 
war, was also fitting out a great armada, and the 
secret negotiations which she had been conducting 

1 S.P. Venice, 1626-28, No. 87. 

a In February, 1627, Richelieu had persuaded the Assembly 
of Notables to keep a fleet of 45 ships in the Atlantic, and by 
the end of May the French arsenals were turning out a 
particularly powerful gun for the fleet, weighing 1,000 Ibs., 
and firing a shot of 150 Ibs. With this gun Richelieu boasted 
he would not only reduce Rochelle, but would enter the 
English ports and sink the fleet (Ibid., Nos. 137, 291). 



with France for some time were finally brought 
to a head by a treaty between the two nations 
in March, 1627. 

The growing ascendency of the French marine 
under the regime of Richelieu, and the avowed 
determination of the latter to crush the French 
Protestants, or Huguenots, at La Rochelle, to 
whom Charles had promised protection, proved the 
final act that brought about a war between 
England and France. In consequence, though 
most of the English fleet were in need of repairs, 
Charles determined to despatch an expedition 
to the Isle of Rhe, which was to be used as a base 
of operations for the relief of the beleaguered 
Protestants. 1 The probability of war had been 
foreseen by Buckingham in January, when he 
had called for twenty ships to be prepared for 
sea by the Special Commissioners. It was im- 
possible, however, to get such a number ready 
in so short a time, and in March it was decided 
to employ the Triumph, Rainbow, Repulse, 
Victory, Lion, Warspite, Nonsuch, Vanguard, and 
the Esperance of the King's ships, while the 
rest of the fleet was to be comprised of armed 
merchantmen. To superintend the manning and 
equipping of such a fleet required a person of 
high technical knowledge and experience, and 
Buckingham's choice of Mainwaring for that 
post bears out Sir John Oglander's statement, 
that Mainwaring acted as Surveyor to the Navy 
Commissioners. 2 About the middle of April 
Buckingham came to Chatham to inspect the 
ships, and to confer with Mainwaring regarding 

1 Rhe is about eighteen miles in length, and is divided from 
the mainland by a strait about two miles wide. 

1 See also S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ix. 54, where Mainwaring, 
writing to Nicholas on April 18, asked that he might have 
the same place in the Commission that ' the other had.' 

i6 2 8 RH AND ROCHELLE 165 

the impressment of seamen for the expedition. 1 
Bearing in mind the trouble with the workmen in 
the dockyard earlier in the year, the Duke ad- 
dressed the shipwrights ' in courteous terms/ and 
urged them to use the utmost diligence in fitting 
out the fleet. 2 

On the lyth Mainwaring reported to Buck- 
ingham, from Rochester, that the Rainbow, 
Vanguard, and Repulse had been brought from 
their moorings and anchored safely at Queen- 
borough. The lack of men and the leaky state 
of some of the ships gave cause for much concern, 
and the Victory, Mainwaring stated, was in such 
a bad condition that he feared she would be 
unserviceable. The following day the Com- 
missioners of the Navy reported that the vic- 
tualling of the fleet was at a standstill for want 
of money, and that they required 8,000 ; while 
Mainwaring signified that the stores of cordage for 
the ships were too large, and at his suggestion 
they were accordingly lessened. On the igth of 
April Mainwaring sent word that four more of the 
ships were ready to sail for Queenborough, but 
were greatly in need of victuals and men. The 
Nonsuch, he informed Buckingham, could not be 
made ready for three weeks. 3 

The following day, accompanied by Main- 
waring and others, the King paid a surprise 
visit to the Isle of Wight, in order to inspect 
Sir Alexander Brett's regiment of 1,000 men, who 
were billeted there. 4 

On Mainwaring's return the victualling and 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., 12 i, 302. 

2 S.P. Venice, 1626-28, No. 242. 

3 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ix. 67. 

4 Oglander, p. 31. The Island was a favourite place for 
billeting troops, owing to the difficulties it placed in the way 
of desertion. 


fitting out of the fleet kept him fully occupied. 
Buckingham having inquired of the Commissioners 
at what rate soldiers might be victualled per 
day, allowing in every week three days beef, pork, 
and bacon, and four days butter, fish, and cheese, 
the same quantities as were allowed the seamen 
in the King's ships, they stated that it was well 
worth 6d. a man per day, without any allowance 
of beer. The old charge, they informed the Duke, 
was the same for butter, fish, and cheese, the 
whole week throughout, with an allowance of 
a ' pottle ' of beer to each man per day. 1 

On the 24th of April Mainwaring wrote to 
Buckingham, informing him what means he had 
employed to get the King's ships out of Chatham, 
and the merchantmen which had been hired as 
transports down the river. Their disinclination 
to take part in the expedition was apparent 
from the first, and Mainwaring experienced 
considerable difficulty in persuading them to 
set sail. Nor were the King's ships in a more 
ready state, and he was forced ' to bring the 
men from one ship to another ' in order to 
man them sufficiently. In one case, that of 
the Victory, there were only twenty-six seamen 
on board, whereas her full complement should 
have been about 250. To remedy the want of 
men, Mainwaring . suggested that Buckingham 
should get the Masters of Watermen's Hall ' to 
warn all men belonging to the river ' to appear on 
the morrow, so that a selection could be made for 
the ships, which in some cases were so hopelessly 
under-manned that they were unable to take in 
their provisions. 2 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixi. 15. April 23, 1627. 

2 Ibid., Ixi. 22. 


can give your Grace an account of the executing 
of your command for the merchants riding below the 
Bridge, how unprovided I found them, not a mast 
aboard, nor scarce a man in some of them, and at 
last how unwilling to set sail. The wind indeed scanted 
and became more southerly than it was when I 
sent unto your Grace, yet with diligence some came to 
Limehouse, some to Blackwall, and some to Woolwich, 2 
where they might have been all as well as some, and from 
thence the next tide at Tilbury, if they had plied it ; but 
I believe they would have been yet at anchor had I 
not come and pressed them beyond their inclinations. 
Though the ships at Chatham ought the same day to have 
been all at St. Mary Creek, if not at Queenboro', yet I 
found them as I had left them, and there [they] would have 
been till now if I, or somebody else more understanding 
and active than myself, had not come down. With very 
much ado, being forced to bring the men from one ship 
to another (so as to man some sufficiently), we got the 
Rainbow and Vanguard over the chain within two warps 
of St. Mary Creek, whence, if the wind wester a little, they 
shall (God willing) go this tide to Queenboro', but the 
wind is here to the eastwards of the south, so they 
cannot stir from thence. But this tide I hope to bring 
the Repulse thither also, where they are ready to take 
any westerly wind to fall away. Also I intend to carry 
the Warspite 3 thither if possibly I can get men, and the 
next tide after, the Victory, where there are not above 
twenty-six seafaring men, as I am informed by the boat- 
swain and others. 

'Tis true, as your Grace is informed, that divers of the 
seamen are absented from thence, whether run away 
altogether or no I know not. I went over yesterday the 
Rainbow and Vanguard, when I think all the men that 
were known to be thereabouts or belonging to them were 
aboard. I found 107 men aboard the Rainbow and 89 

1 Gabriel Marsh, Buckingham's Marshal of the Admiralty. 

2 MS. WoUidge. 

3 MS. Wastspight. 


men aboard the Vanguard, and a poor crew God knows 
as ever I saw in any ship. This I think fit to acquaint 
your Grace, that you may think of some course for men, 
for otherwise these ships thus manned are not fit to be 
trusted in the sea. If there be not some speedy course 
taken, the voyage will be overthrown for lack of men; 
and those two ships which lack their provisions, the 
Warspite and Victory, and are appointed to come 
to Tilbury for their provisions, cannot come thither for 
lack of men. I will not take upon me the boldness 
to advise your Grace to do things suddenly and reso- 
lutely for the getting of men, but I durst hazard the loss 
of those. 

In the hope of your Grace's favour (without which I 
value my life no more), by to-morrow noon I would land 
at Gravesend betwixt 100 and 200 men to come that day 
to Chatham, with this course. Your Grace may this 
instant afternoon give a straight command (expressing 
extraordinarily the King's urgent occasions to press men), 
to the Masters of Watermen's Hall to warn all men 
belonging to the river (that are near thereabouts) to 
appear to-morrow by five of the clock in the morning 
at their Hall, and to signify that if any man bring not forth 
his servant that him shall be pressed, imprisoned, or the 
like. And then to have some two or three under- 
standing men near to make choice of the best, and 
especially those who have been at sea already (whereof 
there are enough), and so take the Gravesend Barge 1 
or others to attend them, and instantly from the Hall, 
without suffering them to go home, to ship them away 
with commanders, giving order to their masters and 
friends to send their clothes after them ; I think Capt. 

1 The Gravesend Barge was of very ancient standing, 
dating back to the I3th century. It claimed precedence 
over all other craft, and no tiltboat, lighthorseman, or wherry 
was allowed to take passengers until the Barge was furnished 
and gone. In 1595 it was rowed with four men in fair weather 
and five in foul. It had a steersman, and was furnished 
with masts and sails, also an ' anchor to serve in time of 
distress' (Cruden, Gravesend t pp. 205-6). 


Kettleby 1 and Capt. Porter 2 two very fit men, for they 
are best known there. The tide will serve very well at 
that time to bring them away. I have here enclosed your 
Grace a note of some men pressed by the gunner of the 
Warspite, four weeks past, and not any of them have 
so much as appeared, which I did (most especially), 
that you might apprehend them to make example of 
them by sending them down hither like prisoners to 
receive punishment here, or by disgracing them there 
amongst their friends with the stocks, or otherwise as 
shall seem best to your Grace to give example and terror 
to others, for I assure your Grace that if men receive no 
punishment for their offences, the King's service will be 
destroyed, and all authority and power to command men 
will grow neglected. 

I believe much in the goodness of your Grace's dis- 
position, which will favourably interpret my intentions in 
being thus bold to deliver my opinions. As also to grant 
me your gracious pardon if, in the pursuing of the general 
scope of your commands, I sometimes do those things 
I have not precise warrant for, whereby the service may 
be advanced. And this I rather hope for in regard I 
think your Grace hath not many that have followed or 
gone so far, and not many that have served their com- 
mission for the good of their employment. 

Thus assuring your Grace that my diligence shall 
supply my disabilities to do your Grace that sufficient 
and acceptable service which in duty I am bound to do, 
and in my affection I desire to do, most humbly kissing 
your Grace's hand, in all duty rest 

Your Grace's most humble and faithful servant, 


This 2^th of April, 1627. 

1 Capt. Thomas Kettleby, captain of the Victory in this 
expedition, and the Charles in the ship-money fleet of 1636. 

2 Probably Capt. Thomas Porter, brother of Endymion 
Porter. Served in the Algiers expedition, 1620, Cadiz, 1625, 
and was Captain of the Warspite in the Rhe expedition. 


The great source from which money was forth- 
coming to equip the expedition was the sale of 
French prize goods, and on the i8th of May 
Mainwaring was appointed by the Judge of the 
Admiralty Court one of the Commissioners for 
that service. 1 

By the beginning of June the fleet and troops 
had assembled at Portsmouth, and on the nth 
of the month the King came to inspect them. 
' Being brought round about the bulwarks,' writes 
a correspondent, ' he saw what was amiss, and 
promised, to the great content of the inhabitants, 
to repair the ruinous fortifications of his only 
garrison town in England.' Charles next started 
on a tour of inspection of the fleet, and went 
' aboard the Victory in the haven. From thence 
he went to Stokes Bay, where he boarded the 
Rainbow, and from her he went aboard the Triumph 
between 10 and n o'clock, where he dined and 
stayed till 2 o'clock.' Charles showed extra- 
ordinary interest in the fleet, and his pleasure in 
being amongst his ships was unbounded. ' At 
dinner his whole discourse was about them, and 
in particular about the Triumph,' inquiring of 
Sir John Watts, her captain, in true nautical 
language, ' whether she cund yar or no ? ' 2 A 
health was drunk by him to Monsieur Soubise 3 
and the others for the good success of the voyage, 
at which five guns were discharged. ' Dinner 
passed away,' we are informed, ' with as much 
mirth as Sir Robert Deall, the fool Archie, and 
the Duke's musicians could make.' After dinner 
Charles visited the Warspite, Repulse, and Van- 
guard. These formalities over, he was rowed 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixiii. 90. 

2 I.e., answered the helm readily. 

3 Benjamin de Rohan, Due de Soubise. 

i6 2 8 RH AND ROCHELLE 171 

ashore in his barge, and carried to Broom Down 
in his coach to review the troops. 1 

The difficulty of finding sufficient men and 
victuals for the fleet seems to have been partly 
overcome, but the armament of the ships them- 
selves does not appear to have met with Bucking- 
ham's satisfaction. In some of the ships he was 
particularly anxious to have ' whole culverins 
of brass ' mounted, a suggestion which caused 
Burrell considerable uneasiness. In order that 
he * might be free from blame ' if such a procedure 
did not turn out a success, he asked that Watts, 
Mainwaring, Captains Best and Weddell, with 
Joliffe the master gunner, might be appointed to 
' consider what is fit to be done for the supporting 
of them.' z Whether Buckingham's suggestion was 
found practical is not known, but, in spite of all 
these drawbacks, the fleet eventually left Stokes 
Bay on the 27th of June. It consisted of 90 sail 
divided into four squadrons, and with it went 
6710 soldiers, besides 3848 seamen. The royal 
ships and their commanders were 3 : 

Triumph . Duke of Buckingham, Admiral. 

Sir John Watts, Captain. 
Rainbow . Earl of Lindsey, Vice-Admiral. 

John Weddell, Captain. 
Repulse . William, Lord Hervey, Rear- Admiral. 

Thomas Best, Captain. 
Victory . Earl of Denbigh, commanding the 

fourth squadron. Thomas Ket- 

tleby, Captain. 

1 Letter of Robert Mason to Nicholas, June n, in S.P. 
Dom., Charles I, Ixvi. 67. 

2 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixvii. 103. 

3 Ibid., Ixx. 26. This list differs slightly from that given 
in Clowes' Royal Navy, ii. 65, where Lindsey is stated to 
have been in the Repulse, and Hervey in the Victory. No 
mention is made of Denbigh. 


Lion . John Pennington, Captain. 1 

Warspite . Thomas Porter, Captain. 
Nonsuch . Sir Allen Apsley, Captain. 
Vanguard . Sir John Burgh, commanding the 


Esperance, prize. Captain Skipworth. 
Charles, pinnace. Captain Liddiard. 

The first few days at sea were spent in chasing 
Dunkirkers, whose superior sailing qualities, how- 
ever, enabled them to elude the less nimble King's 
ships. As a result of this exploit the fleet were 
carried far to the leeward of the French coast, 
where they were separated by a severe storm which 
damaged the Nonsuch and other vessels. In the 
meantime a Dutch vessel that left Portsmouth at 
the same time as the English fleet was enabled to 
reach Rhe before them, and so give information 
to the French. Finally, on the loth of July, the 
advanced squadron of twenty ships anchored off the 
east end of the island, where they were joined by 
the rest of the fleet on the two following days. 2 
Under a protecting fire from the guns of the fleet 
a landing was successfully effected, but not 
without some opposition from the French. On 
the I4th the troops commenced their march 
inland, and the small fort of St. Marie and the 
town of La Flotte surrendered to them. Three 

1 Pennington commanded a fifth squadron which had 
sailed a few days earlier, with instructions to prey upon the 
French shipping in the ' river of Bordeaux ' (S.P. Dom., 
Ixvii. 55) . On the 25th of July Buckingham wrote to him from 
St. Martin's to the effect that such a design would be approved 
of if he could also seize the Isle of Oleron, and for this purpose 
he desired Pennington to come and consult with him (S.P. 
Dom., Charles I, Ixxi. 81). 

2 Monson's Naval Tracts (ed. Oppenheim), iii. 179-181 ; 
Granville's Works, iii. 250 ; S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixxi. 23. 


days later the French evacuated the town of St. 
Martin's, and withdrew their troops into the 
citadel on the east side of it, which Buckingham 
bombarded on the iSth. 1 The hopes of reducing 
it in a short time were rudely dispelled by the fact 
that it was well garrisoned and vigorously de- 
fended. 2 Within ten days Buckingham had come 
to the decision that the shortest way of effecting 
its capitulation would be to starve it into surrender. 
The siege will probably be a long one, he wrote 
to Conway, unless they had speedy supplies 
from England ; but, he added, ' it shall be 
maintained with courage/ in the confidence that 
the King would not let them want. 3 At the 
beginning of August the troops began to intrench 
themselves, and five hundred seamen were landed 
from the ships and placed under the command 
of Captain Weddell, in order to assist the land 
forces. 4 Not only was the fort blocked up by 
land, but the ships of the fleet were disposed in 
the form of a half moon, the horns of which en- 
compassed the citadel. 5 It was common knowledge 
in the English camp that the resources of the fort 
were limited, but the possibility of forcing the 
occupants to surrender depended solely on the 
prompt despatch of reinforcements of every kind 
from England, which Buckingham had already 
called for. 6 Energetic measures were therefore 
taken to supply the demands of the occasion, and 
2000 Irishmen, under the command of Sir Ralph 
Bingley and Sir Pierce Crosby, arrived on the 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixxi. 38. 

2 Gardiner, vi. 175. 

3 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixxii. 10, 31. 
* Granville, iii. 254. 

6 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixxiii. 98. 
6 Gardiner, vi. 175. 


2nd of September, while the Earl of Holland 
was to follow with further supplies of men and 

Buckingham was seriously handicapped by 
the shortage of both men and provisions, and 
on the 1 8th of the month the King instructed 
Mainwaring to assume charge of the ships at 
Plymouth that were to transport the necessary 
supplies to St. Martin's. Such was the trust 
reposed in him that the King authorised him to 
press and take up any other mariners and ships 
that were needed, and to do ' any other act or 
thing ' that he thought fit for the expedition of 
the service. 1 

' Whereas we have caused certain ships and vessels 
to be pressed and taken up at Plymouth, and the parts 
thereabouts for transport of 1000 land soldiers unto our 
fleet and army at St. Martin's. And that there is 
likewise sufficient shipping for transport of 1000 more 
soldiers prepared here to go for that part. 

These are to require and authorise you presently to 
repair to Plymouth and there to see all the said ships 
sufficiently prepared and fitted for that service. And 
if there be occasion for advancement of our said service, 
you are by yourself, or such as you shall appoint, 
to press any Pilots, Gunners, Mariners, Seamen or others, 
for the full manning of the said transporters. 

If there be not sufficient shipping prepared there for 
this our service, or that you shall find any of the ships 
taken up defective, you are to press and take up such 
others to supply the said service as you shall think fit. 

You are to take care that all the ships prepared for 
this service be made sweet and wholesome by shifting 
their ballast and making their decks tight, or otherwise 
fitting them for the best conveniency and preservation 
of the health of the soldiers. 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixxviii. No. 50. A rough draft by 

i6 2 s RH AND ROCHELLE 175 

You are to plan and dispose of all the officers and 
soldiers aboard the said ships, according to the bigness 
and roominess of each ship, and to cause victuals to be 
proportionably laid aboard for their transportation, and 
are to see that there be deal boards and other things 
necessary for accommodation and lodging of the soldiers 
provided and furnished. 

And if there shall be occasion to employ more victuals 
for the expedition of this our service, than was at first 
proposed and taken order for in the estimate, then we 
will that you take up the same and give bills for it to be 
paid by the Treasurer of our Navy, who is to put the 
same in surcharge upon the next estimate. 

You are to do any other act or thing that you in your 
discretion and judgment shall think to be most for the 
advantage and expedition of this our service. 

And from time to time to give notice of your pro- 
ceedings and in what forwardness the said ships are, unto 
one of our Secretaries of State. 

i8th Sept., 1627. 

Towards the end pf the month, Mainwaring 
reported that the two ships prepared by Sir 
James Bagg were ready to transport the 1000 
soldiers, but were scarcely of sufficient force. 
He recommended that the Hector, lately em- 
ployed by the Earl of Warwick, should be sent, 
taking 300 mariners ' that will be acceptable 
to the Lord Duke to supply the want at St. 
Martin's.' * 

On the 2Qth, Mainwaring wrote to the effect 
that the ships would be ready by Monday night, 
but he was still waiting for the merchant ships 
from London. The Jonathan would not be ready 
in time, so the Hector was appointed to sail in 
her place. Nothing was wanting, he added, 
but the London ships and the Earl of Holland. 

1 Coke MSS. (Hist, MSS. Com., 12 i, p. 325). 


His letter is directed ' To my Worthy Friend 
Mr. Edward Nicholas, Secretary to the Duke of 
Buckingham these.' l 

was loth to trouble you till I had brought things 
to some perfection, for I found the ships as you 
imagined. The ships (before you can read this letter 
half out) will all be ready, that is by Monday night. We 
have no news from London of those ships. The Jonathan 
cannot be ready to go with this fleet, but the Hector, 
wherein Sir [F.] Steward was, which was with my Lord of 
Warwick, may go in her room, if the Earl be dealt withal, 
or the State please to command. I have wrote to 
Secretary Coke of it. Sir James Bagg tells me he wrote 
you an answer concerning that packet of Sir [H.] Palmer's. 
He hath all his provisions here in readiness, and is most 
dexterous in all his undertakings, and now we want 
nothing but the London ships and my Lord of Holland. 
News we have none, neither domestic nor foreign, worth 
the writing. Nor I hope you will not take it for news 
that I acknowledge myself so much bound unto you for 
your loving favours, that so far as I can extend either 
my life or fortune to do you service, I will most faithfully 
express myself to be as I am, 

Your most affectionate friend and servant, 


This 2gth of September, 1627. 

Buckingham, meanwhile, began to despair of 
success. ' Our officers now give themselves for 
men neglected, and forgotten in England/ he 
wrote to Conway. 2 The timely arrival, however, 
of Sir Henry Palmer at the end of September, 
with the long looked-for provisions, renewed his 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixxix. 62. 

2 Ibid., Ixxviii. 65. 


hopes so much, that when the fort asked for a 
parley, he refused to consider anything except its 
surrender. 1 

At the beginning of October the London 
ships had not been heard of, and Mainwaring 
reported the Fellowship rendered unserviceable 
through her pilot running her on the rocks while 
on her way to Catwater. 

' All the ships are here in readiness/ he wrote 
to Nicholas from Plymouth, 2 ' but there is no 
news of the London ships. The ship of the best 
force called the Fellowship, with 12 pieces of 
ordnance, coming to Catwater, by the indiscretion 
of the pilot bilged herself upon the rocks, so she 
is unserviceable for the voyage. . . . On Sunday 
last, being the last of September, there landed at 
Falmouth 3 one out of a small barque who said 
he was near St. Martin's on the Thursday before 
when he heard such an infinite number of ordnance 
go off, that he was afraid to go in. ... I pray 
God send us good news of my Lord Duke. I 
wish from my soul this supply was there.' This 
last piece of intelligence probably referred to a 
flotilla of small craft, which had run the gauntlet 
of the blockade, and successfully landed pro- 
visions, sufficient for two months, to the starving 
citadel. On the gih of October Buckingham 
shipped his sick men, and one final effort to reduce 
the fort was decided upon. The exertions of 
Mainwaring to prevent any delay in the fleet 
seems to have been highly commended on all 
sides, and on the 2ist of October Viscount 
Wilmot, in command of the reinforcements which 

1 Clowes, Royal Navy, ii. pp. 68-9. 

2 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixxx. 28. 

3 MS. Folmouth. 


were to be shipped on board Holland's fleet, 
wrote to Lord Conway as follows 1 : 

Sir Henry Mainwaring having been employed by 
special instructions from his Majesty for the oversight 
and ordering of the ships for the transportation of these 
2000 soldiers at Plymouth that is to go to his Grace to 
the Isle of Rhe, hath judicially and carefully answered 
his Majesty's trust reposed in him. In doing him but 
right, I could not but let your Lordship know, that his 
knowledge and skill hath greatly advanced the expedition 
of our present journey, that this day being Saturday, by 
the Grace of God, we purpose to set sail, though the fleet 
from the Thames came to us but upon Thursday in the 
afternoon, and yet our soldiers some companies of them 
being lodged twelve miles from us. The sufficiency of 
this noble gentleman is so well known to his Majesty and 
your Lordship, that my pen can add little to his worth. 
But in this particular your Lordship shall do very nobly 
to make his Majesty know his diligence in his service, 
which we could have very ill spared here till this day we 
set sail, which recommendation to his Highness, I shall 
humbly leave to your Lordship's noble care of him to 
do him right. 

The ships from the Thames under the command 
of Sir John Chudleigh, which were to transport 
the soldiers to Rhe, had arrived at Plymouth 
Sound on the i8th of October, 2 and on the follow- 
ing day the Earl of Holland, who was at Ports- 
mouth with four warships, endeavoured to join 
them. The ' extremity of the weather,' however, 
prevented their sailing, and Holland posted to 
Plymouth to meet Wilmot, leaving Sir Henry 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixxxii. 41. 

2 Ibid., Ixxxii. 13. Mervin commanded the St. George, 
Captain George Bond the Convertive, Captain John Harvey 
the Entrance, and Captain Francis Sydenham the Mary Rose 
(ibid., 25, 30). 


Mervin to follow with the ships at the earliest 
opportunity. On the 2Oth Mervin ' weighed 
and put to sea about St. Helens/ but contrary 
winds forced him back on the 23rd to Yarmouth 
Roads. 1 The Convertive, forming one of his 
squadron, was found to be so leaky, that in one 
hour ' she pumped 600 and odd stroke,' and 
Mervin strongly complained of the conduct 
of Burrell in permitting her to go to sea for a 
third time ' after having failed in two voyages.' z 
The victualling of the relief ships proved to 
be one of its most serious drawbacks, and on the 
24th John Ashburnham 3 wrote to Nicholas from 
aboard the Bonaventure, that they had been 
sent with such a neglect of order, that Mainwaring 
was forced to go from ship to ship in order to 
ascertain what they had. 4 

I am first pie wrote] to give you thanks for the 
care you have of enabling me to give an account of all 
proceedings to my master. You have here sent me a 
collection of the state of victuals of the fleet and army, 
wherein you nominate the provisions of victuals that are 
to be sent with my Lord of Holland. You only set down 
the quantity in general, but we are so troubled here, 
for the particulars of what is in this fleet, that the 
neglect of order in that kind cannot be forgiven ; for 
there is not any ship that hath either bill of lading, or 
any man in them that was appointed to receive the 
victuals and to account for them, so that Sir Henry 
Mainwaring is forced to go from ship to ship to search 
what they have ; and we reckon upon what he finds, 
which will amount to the maintenance of the whole army 
about some twenty days. 

1 I.e. Yarmouth, Isle of Wight. S.P. Dom., Charles I, 
Ixxxii. 68. z S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixxxii. 89. 

3 Groom of the bedchamber to Charles I, and a relative of 
the Duke of Buckingham. 

4 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixxxii. 80. October 24, 1627. 


This allegation of mismanagement and neglect 
on the part of the victualler proved only too 
true, and as a result of Mainwaring's investiga- 
tion it was found that there were only enough 
provisions to last the army seventeen days a 
scandalous condition of things, which was aggra- 
vated by the fact that 2000 troops were living upon 
them in the meantime. By the time the fleet 
reached Rhe, it was estimated that only eleven 
days' provisions would be left, and the non-arrival 
of the four ships under Mervin considerably 
weakened the fleet. 1 Mervin, however, was still 
weather bound at Yarmouth, and owing to the 
urgency of the supply, and the entreaties of the 
King, Holland decided to sail without him. On 
the 29th, therefore, the Earl, contrary to the 
opinion of his seamen, ' forced the whole fleet 
out of Cat water ' with disastrous results. That 
night it was caught in a violent storm, which 
lasted for twenty hours, and in consequence was 
finally driven back into Plymouth with severe 
damage to the ships. 2 ' Although all diligence 
will be used to repair the ships,' wrote Wilmot, 
' it will, for a time, hinder them putting to sea.' 3 

In the meantime Buckingham had given up 
all hope of the provisions and reinforcements 
reaching him in time. For weeks some of his 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixxxii. 87. 

2 Ibid., Ixxxiii. 32. 

3 Ibid., Ixxxii. 38. October 31. On the 6th of November 
Holland informed the King that they were again under sail 
with a fair northerly wind, and he hoped for a speedy voyage 
and a happy one for the relief of the army at Rlie" (Ixxxiv. 26) . 
Unfortunately his effort came too late, Buckingham having 
left the island on the 8th. No less unfortunate was Mervin, 
who wrote on the 5th that he was still detained in Yar- 
mouth Roads by ' contrary winds and extreme foul weather ' 
(ibid., Ixxxiv. 23). 


gallant soldiers had been posted on the house- 
tops, eagerly scanning the horizon with their 
telescopes for some sign of Holland's fleet, until 
' they looked themselves and their perspectives 
blind.' 1 In sheer desperation Buckingham, with 
scarce 4000 men, attempted to storm the fort 
on the 27th of October, but the result was so 
disastrous that a tenth of his force perished 
in the operation, without inflicting any material 
damage on the enemy. 2 Two days later the 
English army was in full retreat, and Bucking- 
ham and his remaining men embarked from 
Rhe on the 8th of November. It was estimated 
that 4000 men had perished in the expedition. 3 
Such was the dissatisfaction among the sea- 
men on their return, that the crew of the 
Assurance deserted in a body. The common 
necessaries of life were not forthcoming, and 
the sailors were forced to steal the soldiers' arms 
at Plymouth and sell them in order to obtain 
bread. The wages bill was running up to 5000 
a month, because of the lack of money to pay 
the crews off. Disease was rampant, and in less 
than a month 500 of the seamen who had survived 
the horrors of Rhe found a grave at Plymouth. 4 
Sir Henry Mervin informed the King that he 
' would soon have more ships than men,' but 
the remark fell on deaf ears, for Charles was 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixxxi. 61. 

2 Granville, iii. 259. It was subsequently proved that the 
French had only enough provisions to last them till the 5th of 
November, and, as Dr. Gardiner remarks, ' it was lamentable 
for Buckingham to be so near success and yet to miss it ' 
(Hist, of England, iv. 196). 

3 Gardiner, vi. 198. The embarkation was effected from 
the small island of Loix, adjoining Rhe, west of St. Martin's. 

4 Oppenheim, Naval Administrations, p. 231. 


bent on relieving Rochelle, where the Huguenots 
were making their last stand. Another fleet 
was therefore ordered to be ready for sea in 
the spring, and Mainwaring, as before, was 
actively engaged in its preparation. To enable 
the Rochellese to hold out till then, it was im- 
perative that provisions should be sent them from 
England, and on the I3th of November Main- 
waring sent a certificate to Sir John Coke, in- 
forming him of the condition in which he found 
several of the merchant ships that were to convoy 
them. On account of the shortage of men, the 
masters of the various ships were commanded 
to meet Mainwaring and Burr ell at the Trinity 
House by eight o'clock in the morning, to con- 
sider the best means of impressing the necessary 
men. The following day Mainwaring reported 
the result of the conference to Coke. With the 
help of Sir John Wolstenholme, Sir William 
Russell, and Denis Fleming, Commissioners of 
the Navy, and the assistance of Trinity House, 
' I think we have put the business in an orderly 
way,' he wrote, ' so that I hope nothing but 
wind and weather shall hinder their speedy 
proceedings. It was the opinion of the Com- 
missioners to have them stay at Tilbury for one 
another, but (under favour) my opinion is they 
should better serve the King's intention, to meet 
the fleet with the victuals, to let the first stand 
on their course, lest staying in this variable 
and tempestuous season for some, all might come 
too late.' 1 The anxiety of Mainwaring to get 
the ships out of the Thames was shared also by 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., 12 i, 330-1. From a private letter of 
December igth we know that 400 soldiers and 5000 quarters of 
corn were prepared to be sent to Rochelle with all possible 
speed (Court and Times of Charles I, i. 306). 


the Earl of Holland, who wrote to Buckingham 
on the 5th of December that ' the sooner the 
ships are sent about the better, or, what with 
the sick, and the runaways, they will not be 
sufficiently manned/ The fleet at Portsmouth 
required considerable repairs, and Holland feared 
that few of them would be fit to put to sea. 
' Most of them have leaks or other defects not to 
be repaired there/ he stated, ' because there 
is no dock, which is a great omission in some 
of our great officers.' 1 

On the I5th of February, 1628,. a Council 
of War was appointed, on which Mainwaring 
served. 2 Its proceedings seem to have been on 
a similar basis to the Naval Commission of 1626, 
and at the first meeting, held at Whitehall on the 
2ist of the month, a return was called for as 
to the state of the King's ships, and measures 
were taken to put a stop to the practice, 
prevalent at Ipswich and elsewhere, of building 
ships with low decks, so that they might not 
be fit for war, but only for trade. 3 As the Crown 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, Ixxxvi. 15. Burrell, according to his 
contemporaries, was a good deal to blame for this. Captain 
Giffard informed Buckingham in the previous June that 
Burrell strove to hinder the building of the dock. He had 
caused the old one to be filled up, and would have pulled 
down the great storehouse, in order that he might have all 
the business to himself at Chatham. ' How the King has 
been served by him/ wrote Giffard, in reference to the finding 
of the Special Commission, ' has been seen, and yet he remains 
firm in his place ' (Ibid., Ixvi. 55). 

z Ibid., xciii. 37. This Council of War appears to have 
been appointed to carry out the duties of the Navy Com- 
missioners who were discharged by Royal warrant on 2oth of 
February. ' We are resolved,' runs the warrant, ' to have all 
these services performed by our Admiral of England, and 
other the ordinary officers of our Navy ' (Hist. MS$j'i2 i, 
339). 3 S.P. Dom., Charles I, xcfv!i. 


drew largely on the mercantile marine of the 
country when fitting out an expedition, the 
question was of national importance. Among 
the ' advices of the Council of War,' signed by 
Mainwaring, Chudleigh, Best, and Captain 
Heydon, which were communicated to Bucking- 
ham two days later, mention is made of a present 
fleet to guard the coasts of England and Ireland, 
consisting of eight King's ships and eighteen 
merchantmen, to be at sea by the end of March. 1 
The military and naval needs of the country 
required an urgent supply of money, and at 
the King's request the Council of War drew up 
an estimate, which they presented to Charles 
on the 22nd of March, showing that nearly 
600,000 would be required for the two services 
during the coming year, besides an immediate 
demand of nearly 700,000 for repairs and 
munitions of war. 2 It was originally intended 
that the fleet under the command of the Earl 
of Denbigh should sail for Rochelle on the ist 
of March, but the incompetence of the Govern- 
ment to deal with the difficulties that its pre- 
paration presented, considerably delayed its 
departure. 3 

In consequence, Mainwaring found his time 
fully occupied. Besides his attendance at the 
Council of War, there were his duties at Ply- 
mouth, where many of the ships had to be careened 
and fitted with new masts before they could pro- 
ceed to sea. Writing from there on the i6th of 
March he informed Buckingham of the result 
of his labours, and highly praised the help he 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., 12 i, 339. 

2 Gardiner, vi. 239 ; S.P. Dom., Charles I, xcviii. I. 

3 Dalton's Lije oj Cecil, ii. 283. 


had received from Sir James Bagg (whom he 
described as ' sine quo non '), the Earl of Denbigh, 
and Captain Weddell. He strongly impressed 
on Buckingham the need of more money, and 
stated that if 600 seamen, at the least, were not 
forthcoming, the expedition would be unable 
to proceed. As to appointing Frenchmen 1 in 
command of the fire-ships, he strongly questioned 
the propriety of such a proceeding, pointing out 
the miscarriage ' in a matter of so great im- 
portance, by ruining our fleet might make the 
greatest delinquents meritorious in the eyes of 
their sovereign.' 2 

MAY IT PLEASE YOUR GRACE, Though I assure myself 
your Excellency will receive notice from better hands than 
mine, in what condition the fleet stands here, yet because 
I know your Grace's earnest desire to be satisfied in 
the particulars, whereof I presume no man (the Earl 
of Denbigh excepted) can give you better knowledge 
than myself, I think it my duty to acquaint your Grace 
that all the ships in the first list appointed for this 
voyage will be ready to set sail on Wednesday, the iqih 
of this month, if wind and weather serve. The foremast 
of the Rainbow is put into the Nonsuch for a main- 
mast, which though it be short and somewhat unsightly, 
yet will serve her well for the voyage, and work the ship 
in all conditions ; and she will go little the worse, yet 
if the shortness of time would have permitted, either to 
have lengthened that, or made a newer, she should not 
have gone so. On Tuesday, the i8th, the St. George and 
the Nonsuch will be laid upon the careen, the Nonsuch 
(because she hath but one side to trim) will be finished 
that day ; the St. George, the next after. The St. 
George's mast will be finished on Thursday following ; 
in the meanwhile she shall take in her ballast, and 
ordnance, and after her victuals ; so that (all casualties 

1 I.e. Rochellese. 2 S.P. Dom., Charles I, xcvi. ii. 


excepted) she and the Nonsuch will be ready to set sail 
with the rest of the fleet the 26th of this month ; this 
for a certainty your Grace may build upon in point of 
readiness of the ships. The Victualler will have beer 
(as he undertakes) by the 22nd of this month to serve 
the whole fleet, so that for the provisions of the fleet. 
The wine which I acquainted your Grace came in a 
Frenchman's prize, need not be appointed for the supply 
of drink in the fleet ; yet Sir James Bagg 1 (whose zeal 
to your Grace's service is such, that he believes in no 
man's work but his own) hath made stay of it. Your 
Grace's most honoured brother (whose care and industry 
I cannot sufficiently express) the Earl of Denbigh, hath 
taken such course that by the assistance of Sir James 
Bagg (sine quo non), I assure myself the fleet will be 
sufficiently if not extraordinarily well fitted. The high 
and mighty difficulty which we fear is the want of men, 
who rather decrease than augment. What supplies the 
press your Grace gave orders for will bring in, I know 
not, but I am sure if there come not 600 seamen at the 
least, the whole fleet cannot proceed. Therefore your 
Grace may be pleased to resolve what to do in that case. 
The land soldiers which by your Grace's appointment 
were to come in lieu of 500 seamen will not amount fully 
to 400 men ; beside here is no power left with my 
Lord Denbigh to take them aboard nor order which way 
to dispose of the officers. Your Grace may be pleased 

1 Bagg, through some family connection with Edward 
Nicholas, the Secretary of the Admiralty, became an active 
servant of Buckingham. He came into the West with a 
commission for victualling the ships at Plymouth to the 
amount of 10,000. He rapidly rose in favour, and was made 
Vice-Admiral of Devon and Cornwall, representing East Loo 
in the Parliament of 1625. Knighted by the King at Sal- 
combe, on the igth of September 1625. He was accused of 
bribery, and brought before the Star Chamber in 1635, but 
Charles refused to punish him, and left him in possession of the 
fort at Plymouth. His name frequently appears in the State 
Papers of the period (Forster, Life of Sir /. Eliot, vol. i. 
pp. 201-8 ; Gardiner, viii. pp. 89-91). 


to deliver your intentions on that point by my Lord 
Denbigh's son (the chief motive being the want of men to 
fit other ships). I have put French captains and 
French men aboard the ships appointed for fire works to 
rig and fit them ; but move it to your Grace (as a thing 
which my Lord Denbigh takes into a serious considera- 
tion) whether it be fit to entrust those ships wholly in the 
hands of French ; being a matter of so great importance, 
the miscarriage whereof, by ruining our fleet, might make 
the greatest delinquents meritorious in the eyes of their 
Sovereign . This also your Grace may be pleased to resolve . 
His Lordship I know to be full of industry, integrity, and 
resolution to perform the service faithfully which his 
Majesty and your Grace have employed him in. More 
at this time I will not trouble your Grace with, unless it 
be the remembrance of more money; yet if you think 
that, Sir James Bagg's person, his wife, children, friends, 
his house in Plymouth, the reversion of the Fort, his 
manor of Saltrum, with what else he hath can furnish 
us (for all these we command for your Grace's sake), 
your Grace may forbear any further thoughts of supply- 
ing us, if not your Grace is too wise and well experienced 
in these affairs to need my poor advice. For your 
Grace's comfort and assurance of the expediting this 
fleet, I must truly tell you, that nothing but your own 
presence can despatch it faster than my Lord Denbigh's 
care and pains will do, whose diligence is such that did I 
not fear the brand of flattery (because I so much honour 
and love him, and his worth) I should extraordinarily 
commend him for it. His example makes us all in- 
dustrious, amongst whom I must ever remember to your 
Grace's good regards the pains and abilities of my consort 
Captain Weddell. 1 For my self, I shall only crave your 
Grace's pardon for my disabilities to serve you, and your 

1 John Weddell, captain in the East India Company's 
service, born 1583. He offered his services to the King about 
this period, and in 1627 and 1628 commanded the Rainbow. 
He is described as ' a gentleman of valour and resolution/ and 
died in the year 1642 in India (D.N.B.). 


occasions. But when I shall either negligently or 
wilfully leave your Grace's commands unaccomplished, 
let me suffer the torture of being no longer assured that 
I am, 

Most truly, 
Your Grace's most humbly devoted servant, 


On the 2ist Captain Sydenham proceeded 
to impress the necessary men, but the growing 
spirit of dissatisfaction made it a most difficult 
task. At Plymouth he succeeded in impressing 
between eighty and a hundred, much against 
their will, and conveyed them to the Guildhall 
prior to sending them to the various ships. Seeth- 
ing with discontent on their arrival, they seized 
the opportunity to arm themselves with pikes 
that were laying there, and stoutly refused to 
obey orders. Though Mervin and Sydenham 
endeavoured to pacify them, their ringleader, 
Robert Kerby invited them one and all to die 
together, sooner than serve in the King's ships. 
The arrest of Kerby checked the mutiny for a time, 
but when the men heard that he was condemned 
to death, the smouldering flame broke out afresh. 
On the 22nd, the day fixed for his execution, 
the seamen marched in a body to the Hoe, tore 
down the gallows, and cast them into the sea. 
After leaving the Hoe their intention was to force 
the prison, but Bagg, who had foreseen trouble, 
was equal to the occasion, and had the troops 
in readiness to disperse them, being ably seconded 
by Mainwaring in his endeavours to quell the 
mutiny. 1 Nevertheless, it was thought prudent 
to guard the town, and Bagg wisely suggested 
to Buckingham that it would be safer to postpone 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, xcviii. 26. Bagg to Buckingham, 
March 23, 1628. 

i6 2 8 RH AND ROCHELLE 189 

the execution of Kerby till after the fleet had 
sailed. 1 

The cause of these frequent mutinies ; the 
difficulty of impressing efficient seamen ; and the 
reluctance of men generally to enter the service, 
is not difficult to ascertain. It was not that 
the spirit of patriotism was wanting, but the 
conditions prevailing in the Stuart Navy were 
so inhuman, that men, rather than be forced to 
serve, would have sooner gone to the scaffold ; 
death at the hands of the public hangman was 
more merciful than the evils of semi-starvation, 
sickness, want of clothing, and lack of wages, 
that they would endure in the King's ships. A 
prominent official, in 1628, informed Buckingham 
of what he believed to be the ' heartburning 
and cause of the grief of the sailors.' ' They say/ 
he wrote, ' they are used like dogs, not suffered 
to come ashore. They have no means to put 
clothes on their backs, much less to relieve their 
wives and children. When sick, they have no 
allowance of fresh victuals. The sick when put 
ashore are suffered to perish for want of being 
looked to. Some of their provisions are neither 
fit nor wholesome. They had as lief be hanged 
as dealt with as they are.' 2 

At the end of March the Council instructed 
Bagg and Mainwaring, among others, to remove 
the soldiers that were being billeted in the counties 
of Dorset and Somerset, having given the Earl 
of Denbigh instructions to receive them. A new 
levy of 600 men was also made, the most able 
of whom were shipped as seamen. Those soldiers 

1 Kerby was finally pardoned, and discharged on the i8th 
of the following July (S.P. Dom., Charles I, ex. 22). 

a Ibid., xcviii. 29. Sir F. Gorges to Buckingham, 
March 23, 1628. 


who had been billeted in the two counties named 
were found to be in urgent need of clothes, and 
it was ordered that sufficient should be provided. 1 
Nor were the Council's instructions issued a 
moment too soon. Loud complaints were being 
made by the people against the billeting of the 
troops upon them, and it was imperative to Charles 
that Denbigh's fleet should sail without further 
delay, if it was to succour the beleaguered garrison 
at Rochelle, whose privations had now reached 
an acute state. ' In the name of God,' wrote 
the Mayor of Rochelle, in a letter which reached 
England about the 20th April, ' come with 
speed and bring good store of fireworks to over- 
throw their practices.' 2 Within a week after 
the receipt of this piteous appeal, in spite of the 
difficulty in finding sufficient seamen to man 
his fleet, Denbigh left Plymouth Sound with 
sixty vessels. His fleet was divided into three 
squadrons, and comprised the following King's 
ships, besides armed merchantmen. 3 

1st Squadron. 

St. Andrew Earl of Denbigh, Admiral. 

Thomas Kettleby, Captain. 

Nonsuch Sir Francis Carew. 

Antelope Anthony Rice. 

George, prize Anthony Marbery 

Squirrell, pinnace James Butfield. 

2nd Squadron. 

Garland . . . , Sir Henry Palmer, 


Vanguard Nicholas Parker. 

Mary Rose Francis Sydenham. 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, xcviii. go. 2 Ibid., ci. 47. 

3 Ibid., xcvi. 56 ; cii. 35. 



St. George .............. John Weddell, 

Happy Entrance ........ Edward Harvey. 

St. Claude, prize ........ Sir David Boswell. 

Esperance, prize ........ Richard Skipworth. 

On the ist of May the English fleet arrived 
before Rochelle, and on their approach the French 
ships left the harbour and retreated up the 
river under fire of their guns. The elaborate 
system of defence which had been constructed 
at the entrance to the harbour, consisting of 
palisades and moles, had been further strengthened 
with ' two floats of ships, within and without, 
moored and fastened together.' This formidable 
obstruction, coupled with the ordnance which 
the French had planted on both sides of the 
harbour, had virtually rendered Rochelle impreg- 
nable from the sea. In fact, the town was so 
completely blocked up by land and sea, that 
the garrison were unable to communicate with 
the English commander. 1 The only chance of 
success Denbigh saw, was to make an attack 
with his fireships, and on the first fair evening 
Captains Allen and Williams approached the 
works with six ' floaters.' In this dangerous 
operation the former unfortunately lost his life, 
being blown up with seven of his crew through 
one of his ' engines ' taking fire. 2 On the 8th 
the English fleet were face to face with an un- 
looked-for difficulty. The wind was blowing off the 
land, and lying as they were in shallow water, 
there was a probability of the French retaliating 
with their own fireships. A council of war was 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, ciii. 50, 57 ; cv. 30. 

1 Ibid., cv. 86. 


therefore held, and as a precautionary measure it 
was decided to retire a little out of range. This 
retrograde movement, however, proved fatal to the 
discipline of the English sailors, and despondency 
spread from ship to ship. 1 On the I7th an urgent 
message was sent from the King to the Earl of 
Denbigh, telling him to hold on to Rochelle 
as long as possible, and await reinforcements, 
which were being sent. That same day Coke, 
Mainwaring, Bagg, Pennington, and Nicholas were 
ordered down to Portsmouth to expedite the 
relief ships. 2 On the following day Denbigh's 
son, Lord Fielding, and Mainwaring were instructed 
by the Council to press, take up, and send away 
as great a proportion of victuals (particularly 
biscuits and beer), seamen, ships, and any other 
necessaries that they could make ready for the 
fleet at Rochelle. 3 Nevertheless, in spite of 
all these efforts to reinforce the English fleet, 
Charles on the igth received intelligence that 
Denbigh was on his way home. Three of his 
vessels laden with corn were captured by Dunkirk 
privateers within sight of the English coast, 
and on the 27th he arrived off the Isle of Wight. 
In the meantime the soldiers who had been poured 
into the various towns proved a source of trouble 
to the authorities. The Mayor of Southampton 
informed Coke that the place was overcharged 
with soldiers, their being some 400 of them, 
besides two Irish companies billeted in the town, 
which caused many of the inhabitants to leave. 4 

1 Gardiner, vi. 292. * Hist. MSS. Com., 12 i, 343. 

3 5.P. Dom., Charles I, civ. 16. On the 2oth, Fielding 
informed Buckingham that Mainwaring had not yet arrived. 
If he did not come they would ' have land hearts, but not 
sea heads,' he wrote (ibid., 34). 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., 12 i, 344. 


On Denbigh's arrival off the Isle of Wight, 
Coke reported that the fleet only required fresh 
victuals and water. On the following day, 
however, Mainwaring ' insisted on going aboard 
the ships again, but brought no news of any 
imperfection.' Acting on the instructions of 
Coke, he persuaded Denbigh to anchor his ships 
nearer to Cowes, ' otherwise the bringing of 
fresh water will breed excuse for their stay. They 
send their staves in pieces,' he wrote, ' instead of 
their water casks, and all the coopers are not 
sufficient to make these casks fit.' 1 The difficulty 
of re- victualling the ships ' without money ' 
presented a serious obstacle to both Coke and 
Mainwaring. Though they had ' all impedi- 
ments, and no help from the fleet, except in the 
Earl and some very few others/ they informed 
Buckingham that they did all they could, and were 
' discouraged by nothing.' 2 On the ist of June 
Mainwaring left his colleague at Portsmouth, 
and came up to London to consult Buckingham 
regarding the fleet, and to inform him of the 
difficulties that had been raised against its return. 
A rumour had been circulated stating the im- 
possibility of success at Rochelle, which so dis- 
heartened the seamen, that Coke and Mainwaring 
toiled almost in vain to reorganise the expedition. 
The crew of the Nonsuch mutinied, and Coke was 
forced to appeal to Denbigh for his help in ap- 
peasing them. Mainwaring expressed an opinion 
that the commanders themselves, and not the sea- 
men, were the prime movers in the discontent. 3 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cv. 84, 85. 2 Ibid. 

3 Ibid., cvi. 10. Coke was of the opinion that the 
strength of the fleet when at Rochelle was sufficient to 
encounter all the force that Richelieu could prepare (ibid., 
cv. 58). 

i. o 


Coke himself certainly had his suspicions in that 
direction, and on the day that Mainwaring 
started for London, he wrote Denbigh the follow- 
ing letter * : 

I heard an evil report raised in the fleet, and from 
thence spread abroad, of his Majesty's resolution to send 
back this fleet to an impossible work . . . For my part 
I believe not that such worthy gentlemen can have so 
ignoble thoughts. ... I do confidently publish what is 
told me from some of them . . . who are so far from 
declining any service his Majesty commandeth, for fear 
of difficulties and dangers, that they think it a special 
honour to be trusted in such attempts. . . . Now, whether 
it concerneth both your Lordship and all these worthy 
gentlemen in like manner to disavow and cry down the 
unworthy bruits and slanders cast upon your actions, 
and the designs of the State, your wisdoms may consider. 
. . . Now there is no way to redeem or make good your 
honour with his Majesty and the world but by advancing 
the action, encouraging the mariners, and making way 
through all fears by your wisdom and courage, for in 
greatest dangers greatest captains get praise, and where 
there no danger is every man can command. 

Such noble words from one of the most 
patriotic Englishmen of the day, it is to be hoped 
duly impressed the officers, though Denbigh 
himself avowed they had been ' much wronged 
by ill-information.' 

As a result of Mainwaring's audience with 
Buckingham more fireships were ordered to be 
prepared, and 4000 worth of corn was provided 
to go with the fleet for the relief of Rochelle. 
Denbigh's ships were to be victualled by petty 
warrant so long as they remained in harbour, 
in order that their sea victuals might be spared 
and lengthened. Eventually it was decided that 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., 12 i, 346. 


the ships should remain in England until the 
whole maritime force of the country could be 
fitted out to 'sail under the command of Bucking- 
ham. To this end the King expressed a resolve 
to come to Portsmouth as soon as money had 
been raised upon the credit of the subsidies, 1 
and in the meantime Buckingham charged Coke 
' to continue the diligence and care ' he had hither- 
to shown. 2 Unfortunately the expedition had 
been delayed so long that by the end of June the 
plight of the Rochellese was pitiful in the extreme. 
Famine ravaged the beleaguered town, and grass, 
roots, shell fish, and boiled leather formed the 
only food for the women and children. 3 The 
sands were fast running out, and if relief did not 
come soon, the garrison would be forced to 
capitulate. To none was this more apparent 
than to Coke and Mainwaring, and their en- 
deavours to get the fleet away were worthy of the 
highest praise. On the 25th of June Coke put 
the case before Buckingham in plain words : 
' Every day the fleet stayeth in this harbour/ 
he wrote, ' it will be less ready and worse provided 
to put to sea. The victuals and provisions 
daily waste, and supplies cannot be made so fast ; 
and if it linger till towards the autumn, when 
the winds will blow high, they will require more 
supplies of anchors, cables, and all things else 
than I fear all the stores of the Navy can supply ; 
and what is most important, the men, part by 
sickness, part by running away, do every day go 
fewer.' 4 

1 Five subsidies had been voted by the Commons in 
April, amounting to 350,000, but the formalities necessary for 
making the vote a bill were not completed. 

2 Hist. MSS. Com., 12 i, 346-7, 357 ; Gardiner, vi. 293. 

3 Gardiner, vi. 342. * Ibid., vi. 345. 


Finally an effort was made to bring order 
out of chaos, and at the beginning of August the 
King went down to Portsmouth to superintend 
the fitting out of the fleet, while Buckingham 
remained in London to hasten on the much needed 
supplies. Unfortunately, the success of the Duke's 
undertaking was marred by the hostility of his 
own officers, who, as Dr. Gardiner writes, ' opposed 
the force of inertia to his reiterated commands/ 1 
Added to this, there was the bitter hatred of 
the seamen towards him, a combination of 
circumstances which filled his wife and family 
with grim forebodings of evil. 

For the expedition men had been pressed 
into the service, who had hitherto earned their 
livelihood ashore ; and who, forced to serve 
against their will, were face to face with the 
prospects of semi-starvation and no pay. 2 Under- 
hand methods were resorted to by the press- 
masters, and Buckingham gave instructions that 
the crews of certain vessels should not be paid 
off until some of his own ships were ready, and 
then Peter White was to be present to press 
them immediately for further service. 3 Such 
intolerable conditions could not last for ever, 
and Buckingham's career was rapidly drawing 
to a close. During the second week in August 
he arrived at Portsmouth, and while driving in 
his coach to visit the King, his progress was in- 
terrupted by 300 sailors who demanded their 
pay. One of their number, more daring than 

1 Gardiner, vi. 345. 

2 On the 8th of August Buckingham wrote to Coke that ' if 
the mariners make difficulty to go until they are paid some of 
their arrears, I pray cause the Treasurer of the Navy to pay 
what shall be needful ' (Hist. MSS. Com., 12 i, 362). 

3 Oppenheim, Naval Administrations, p. 234. 

i6 2 8 RHE AND ROCHELLE 197 

the rest, made an attempt to pull the Duke 
from his coach, but Buckingham, seeing what was 
about to happen, caught the offender up and 
conveye^"' Mm to Captain Mason's house a prisoner. 1 
On the ^nd the mutineer was condemned to 
be hung, at which news the sailors armed 
themselves with cudgels and stones, and a fight 
ensued. The captains of the various ships made 
an endeavour to pacify the men, but were them- 
selves drawn into the fight. The news meanwhile 
had reached the Duke, and when he appeared 
with ' a great company on horseback/ 200 swords 
were drawn, and many were killed and wounded, 
before the seamen returned to their ships. Their 
ringleader was hung on a gibbet between Ports- 
mouth and Southsea Castle, the office of hangman 
being performed by a sailor who had received his 
pardon for that special purpose. 2 

That same day John Felton, who had held a 
Lieutenancy in the Rhe expedition, was nearing 
Portsmouth. The promotion which he had ex- 
pected was not forthcoming, and after purchasing 
a knife on Tower Hill for tenpence, he tramped 
in search of his victim to Portsmouth. The 
night of the 22nd he slept some three miles from 
the town. The next morning he awoke early 
and made his way to Buckingham's . lodging, 
where, on account of being known to many of 
the guard, he had no difficulty in gaining admittance 
into the hall. That morning Buckingham was 
in high spirits, for intelligence (which proved 
false) had reached him that Rochelle had been 
relieved. After breakfast he made haste to 
carry the glad tidings to the King, and coming out 

1 Oglander, Memoirs, p. 45. 

2 Account of an eye-witness (in Rous's Diary, Camden 
Soc., pp. 27-8). 


of his parlour he met one of his officers, Colonel 
Sir Thomas Fryer. Fryer was of short stature, 
and while Buckingham was returning his salute, 
Felton seized the opportunity, and drove his 
knife over Fryer's shoulder into Buckingham's 
left breast, mortally wounding him. Thus ended 
the career of George Villiers, a favourite of two 
monarchs, and a man who had virtually wielded 
the destinies of the nation. 

With the death of Buckingham, Mainwaring 
lost one of his staunchest supporters, for the 
Duke, as we have seen, was always willing to 
listen to any project or suggestion that he cared 
to put forward concerning the Navy and sea 
service. Though history has not passed a 
favourable verdict on the actions of Bucking- 
ham generally, in fairness to his memory it must 
be stated that under his regime as Lord 
High Admiral the Navy had been considerably 
augmented and improved. ' He possessed,' 
writes Charnock, ' that mixture of character 
to which, though it was not possible to afford 
unqualified applause, it was not by any means 
fair to condemn in that extent some historians 
have thought proper, who have only regarded 
his political conduct.' * Briefly, the result of 
Buckingham's naval administration may be thus 
summarised : The tonnage of the Navy had 
been raised from 26 ships and 11,070 tons to 
53 ships and 22,122 tons. Various improve- 
ments had been carried out in the dockyards at 
Chatham, Deptford, and Portsmouth, as far 
as the finances of the country would allow. 

1 Charnock, Marine Architecture, ii. 278. In the only 
expedition that he took part in, that of Rhe, his personal 
gallantry was highly extolled by his contemporaries. 

i6 2 8 RH AND ROCHELLE 199 

Encouragement had been given to private ship- 
builders to build ships of above 100 tons burden, 
so that, in the event of war, they could be taken 
up by the Crown. The manufacture of great cables 
had been introduced, and Buckingham had pro- 
vided for the home manufacture of cordage gener- 
ally by persuading Dutchmen to teach English- 
men their art. The wages of seamen had been 
considerably augmented, and lighthouses were 
erected at various points round the coast. 
Buckingham's zeal was evidenced at the meetings 
of the Council, where his suggestions for main- 
taining a fleet for the constant guard of the 
coast were propounded. The re-introduction of 
Lieutenants and corporals on board ship was 
due to the Duke, as was also the systematic 
gunnery and naval instruction in the service. 1 
His purchase of the Lord Wardenship of the 
Cinque Ports was a desirable amalgamation of 
the two offices of Lord Warden and Lord High 
Admiral, and the papers printed by Dr. Gardiner z 
tend to show that the Duke's action was prompted 
solely by patriotic motives. In short, the period 
of Buckingham's administration over the naval 
affairs of the country was marked by incessant 
activity and zeal, which was maintained up to 
almost the last hour of his life. 

A fortnight after Buckingham's death the 
fleet, with the Earl of Lindsey as Admiral, set 
sail for Rochelle. It comprised the following 

1 Notes made by Nicholas, five years after Buckingham's 
death, in S.P. Dom., Charles I, cxli. 85. See also the report of 
the Officers of the Navy in 1629, m S-P- Dom., Charles I, 
cxxxviii. 73, and Mr. Oppenheim's Naval Administrations, 
p. 280. 

z Documents relating to impeachment of Buckingham 
(Camden Soc.). 


King's ships and merchantmen, besides corn 
and munition ships, and fireships. With it went 
1613 seamen and 4000 landsmen. 1 

The Admiral's Squadron. 

St. George Earl of Lindsey, Admiral. 

John Weddell, Captain. 

Garland Sir John Chudleigh. 

Dreadnought .... Captain Plumleigh. 
St. Claude, prize. . Sir David Boswell. 

ist Whelp Capt. Taylor. 

4th Whelp .... Capt. Pardoe. 

7th Whelp Capt. Browne. 

loth Whelp .... Capt. Powell. 

Besides 4 pinnaces and 9 merchantmen. 

Vice- Admiral's Squadron.- 

Swiftsure Earl of Morton, Vice-Admiral. 

John Burley, Captain. 

Nonsuch Capt. Butler. 

Antelope Capt. Povey. 

St. James, prize . . Capt. Richard Fogge. 
2nd Whelp .... Capt. William Jewell. 

5th Whelp Capt. William Button. 

8th Whelp .... Capt. Bamford. 

Besides 3 pinnaces and 7 merchantmen. 

Rear- Admiral's Squadron. 

St. Andrew Earl of Newport, Rear- Admiral. 

Thomas Kettleby, Captain. 
Happy Entrance . Captain Harvey. 

Mary Rose Captain Sydenham. 

Black George .... Captain Marbery. 
3rd Whelp .... Captain Batten. 

6th Whelp Captain John Pett. 

9th Whelp .... Captain Bulger. 

Besides 3 pinnaces and 8 merchantmen. 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cxvi. 84. 


On the 1 8th of September the three squadrons 
arrived in the roadstead of St. Martin's, the scene 
of Buckingham's failure in the previous year. 
For some days the fleet was kept in a state 
of inactivity, owing to adverse weather condi- 
tions. On the 23rd the weather became more 
favourable, and an attack on the enemy's ships 
lying at anchor under Charlebois Point was 
decided upon. Owing to the shallowness of 
the water, it was impossible for the larger King's 
ships to come to close quarters, and, in conse- 
quence, the attack devolved mainly on the 
merchant ships and whelps. Neither the com- 
manders nor their men, however, entered into it 
with any zeal, and they were content to spend 
their shot at ' too remote a distance.' On seeing 
this, Lindsey sent them peremptory commands, 
threatening them with execution if they did not 
go within caliver-shot and see the fireships 
grapple with the enemy ; but it was all to no 
purpose. 1 

No sooner had the King learnt of the failure 
of the first attack than he sent Lindsey a personal 
letter, charging him to take care of his own 
honour and the honour of the nation. The 
passage could not be opened without hazard to 
some of his ships and loss of his subjects, he 
wrote, and therefore Lindsey was to make ' a 
vigorous trial for beating the ships' and forcing 
the passage for the relief of Rochelle. ' We do 
rely,' Charles informed Lindsey, ' upon the 
courage of our own subjects, which we hope 
will never deceive us, and particularly upon this 
occasion/ 2 It was one thing for Charles to issue 

1 Lindsey to the King. S.P. Dom., Charles I, cxviii. 8. 
* 5;P. Dom., Charles I, cxviii. 66. 


commands, and another thing for the English 
admiral to have them carried into effect. The 
crews of his ships, as we have seen, were most 
of them pressed men, and this system, which 
had helped to ruin the Cadiz expedition in 1625 
and Denbigh's efforts in the previous spring, 
was still undermining the effectiveness of the 
English fleet. The courage and enthusiasm 
necessary for the success of an enterprise such 
as Lindsey's could not be had to order, and 
this was the cardinal lesson that the King and 
Government had yet to learn. 1 On the 24th of 
September Lindsey essayed another attack with 
his fireships, but it was delivered in the same 
half-hearted fashion, and his commands were 
not obeyed. Instead of directing the course 
of the fireships they were allowed to drift in, 
a precedure which enabled the French to tow 
them aside and place them out of harm's way. 2 
Under these circumstances the only course open 
to the English commander was to wait for the 
spring tides, which would enable him to bring 
his large ships nearer the mole. 8 The discontent 
among the crews of the various ships was 
aggravated by the lack of unity among the 
officers. ' The councils held,' wrote Captain 
Plumleigh of the Dreadnought, ' were rather 
tumults. Every man spake, and nothing was 
put to votes, but what Weddell and Chudleigh 

1 Gardiner, vi. 364. 

2 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cxviii. 8. Several captains, includ- 
ing Sir David Boswell, Marbery, and Fogge of the King's 
ships were subsequently brought before the Council and 
charged with cowardice, and seven of their number were 
committed to the Marshalsea (Court and Times of Charles I, 
1.448; ii. 3). 

8 Gardiner, vi. 365. 


thought fit.' * These dissensions, and the ex- 
cellent gunnery of the Frenchmen which cowed 
the English sailors, 2 made Lindsey's task certainly 
an unenviable one. 

From the beginning of October till the I4th 
of that month, negotiations were in progress 
between Charles and Richelieu regarding Rochelle, 
but the Cardinal stoutly refused to withdraw 
either his ships or his army. The English agent 
was politely conducted over the moles, and was 
convinced by Richelieu that the works were 
impregnable by any force at Lindsey's disposal. 3 
Nevertheless, Lindsey, who had already com- 
manded one ill-fated expedition, refused to 
abandon the task as hopeless without a further 
effort, and an officer on board his flagship furnishes 
us with an account of the subsequent proceedings 
of the fleet. 4 

The I5th of this October PIC wrote] my Lord 
General gave order to shoot off a piece of ordnance, and 
to put out a pennant in the fore-topmast's head to give 
sign for the leading ships to weigh anchor, and to fall on 
the enemy the third time. Yet were we forced to lead 
the way in the St. George, having but 4^ fathom water, 
we went so near. But when we tacked about at the 
flood, to linger for the leading ships, which at three foot 
flood came on, but did then as they did the second time, 
shooting off many pieces to small purpose, and the tide 
being at the lowest, after two hour's fight, came off again, 
and nothing done. The iyth there was called a council 
of war, and a new way propounded for attempting the 
enemy, which was to go side by side by the enemy with 
the men-of-war, and to send in a mine ship to the pallisado. 
But God, who disposeth of all things, had otherwise 
determined of the event. 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cxx. 72. 2 Ibid. 

1 Gardiner, vi. 365. 

* Ellis, Original Letters, ser. i, vol. iii. 273. 


The Rochellese, discovering the futility of 
the English efforts, had surrendered to Richelieu's 
forces on the i8th. It was reported that 16,000 
persons had died of starvation during the siege, 
the rest of the garrison having existed on hides, 
leather and old gloves. 1 

Certainly no part of the blame for the failure 
of the three efforts to relieve the town can be 
laid on the shoulders of either Coke or Main- 
waring. The evidence that has been produced 
shows that they left no stone unturned to make 
the expeditions a success, and the late Com- 
missioners of the Navy wrote of Mainwaring 
to the following effect 2 : 

We understand that by his extraordinary pains there 
[i.e. at Plymouth], that the fleet under the command of 
the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Holland was suddenly hastened 
out of the harbour and dispersed to sea, and therefore in 
recompense of his great pains and his extraordinary 
charges and expenses in travelling post, and for boat hire 
from ship to ship, and for the diet of himself and servant 
for 45 days, we hold him worthy of 265. 8d. per day. For 
the employment which after that he received at His 
Majesty's commands, namely the hastening of the ships 
out of the river that did transport victuals to Portsmouth 
at the return of the fleet from the Isle of Rhe, we think it 
fitting that for his pains, his horse hire, boat hire, diet, 
and other expenses, he be also allowed 26s. Sd. a day. 

1 Ellis, 274. 

* S.P. Dom., Charles I, cix. 22. Signed by Sir J. Wolsten- 
holme, J. Osborne, and William Burrell. On the ist of 
February 1628 Mainwaring had written to Nicholas asking for 
an allowance, as he was nearly 100 out of pocket by his 
services (ibid., xcii. 8). 




BY the 1 2th of November the whole fleet, with the 
exception of two ships, reached Portsmouth, but the 
expenses of the expeditions to Rhe and Rochelle 
had so drained the resources of the country, that 
it was only with the greatest difficulty that 
sufficient money could be found to pay off the 
crews of the various ships, for which a sum of 
29,000 was required. Not only was the Govern- 
ment embarrassed by the monetary question, but 
the naval stores had been so depleted that, on the 
return of the fleet, the Comptroller of the Navy 
reported that he was unable to have the ships 
repaired on account of the stores at Portsmouth 
being exhausted. 1 

Parliament, which had been prorogued since, 
the 26th of June, assembled again on the 2Oth of 
January 1629, when any hopes that Charles may 
have had of obtaining supplies were rudely dis- 
pelled. Concessions were demanded from the 
King, to which he refused to submit, and after 
a short but stormy session he finally dissolved 
the Parliament on the loth of March. The dissolu- 
tion wrought dismal effects at home, and the 

1 Sir G. Slingsby to Lords of the Admiralty. S.P. Dom., 
Charles I, cxx. 45, 60. 



merchants generally refused to set out ships, ' so 
as all men began to tremble at the consideration, 
what the issue might prove, for by the discon- 
tinuance of trade, both the strength and riches 
of the kingdom must of necessity in time decay/ 
Thus wrote Sir Simond D'Ewes, a shrewd observer 
of the day. 1 Such was the want of money that 
further offensive operations against France and 
Spain became impossible, and only ' a few ships, 
not worthy to be called a fleet, could be kept afloat 
for the guard of the Narrow Seas.' 2 Even these 
were not sufficiently provided, and it was suggested 
to the Lords of the Admiralty that it would be 
more profit to the King, and as much for his honour, 
not to have ships abroad, unless a more certain 
course could be taken to supply them. Mervin, 
who was in command, beseeched them for the 
honour of the State, not to let the naval service 
become a scandal, for ' foul winter weather, naked 
backs, and empty bellies ' made the ordinary 
seamen view service in the King's ships worse than 
being galley slaves. ' Without better order,' he 
wrote, ' his Majesty will lose the honour of his 
seas, the love and loyalty of his sailors, and his 
Royal Navy will droop.' 3 Under such distressing 
circumstances the idea of peace naturally pre- 
sented itself, and from the time when such a course 
became inevitable, the interests of the King and 
his subjects became more fully concerned with 
affairs at home. 4 With the death of Bucking- 
ham the warlike ambitions of the country came 
to an end, and in consequence the demand on 

1 Diary, i. 407. 

2 Mr. Brace's preface to Cal. S. Papers, 1629-31, p. i. 

3 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cxlix. 90, 92. 

4 Peace was signed with France in April 1629, and with 
Spain in December 1630. 


the services of the maritime population became 

In spite of this, the next two years of Main- 
waring's life were in some respects the most 
romantic of his eventful career, and matrimonial 
ventures, colonial ambitions, and naval affairs, 
kept him fully occupied. He was now in the 
prime of life, and sought to find a bride from 
among the more wealthy citizens of the metro- 
polis. Therefore, early in 1629, like many other 
impecunious cavaliers, he became a suitor for 
the hand of Elizabeth Bennett, 1 the widow of 
Richard Bennett, a rich mercer and alderman 
of the City of London. The widow, who was 
' near about thirty years of age/ resided with her 
only son in the parish of St. Olave, Old Jewry. 
She was reported to be handsome, and to have 
inherited under the will of her husband an estate 
of twenty thousand pounds. In the words of 
a contemporary, she was ' for person and parts, 
fit for a gentleman of worth/ Her comfort- 
able position in the world drew round her a host 
of admirers, and the Navy was well represented 
in the persons of Sir Sackville Crowe, its Treasurer, 
Sir John Eliot, a former Vice-Admiral of Devon, 
and Mainwaring. Prior to Mainwaring's debut 
the three foremost in the field were Sir Heneage 
Finch, Speaker of the House of Commons and 
Recorder of London, Sir Sackville Crowe, and 
Dr. Raven, a physician of note. This trio, needless 
to remark, provided amusing gossip, and led to 
much bantering by the wits of the city, in songs 
and ballads on the Finch, Crow, and the Raven. 
The most ardent lover of the three was Dr. Raven, 

1 Daughter of William Craddock, Esq., of Staffordshire. 
Her husband's father, Sir Thomas Bennett, was Lord Mayor 
of London in 1603. 


and on the igth of November in that year he created 
a scene by bribing the servants to admit him into 
the lady's bedchamber, which escapade caused 
him to be entrusted to the care of the custodians 
of the peace. The next day he was brought before 
the Recorder, Finch, who, seeing a favourable 
opportunity to be rid of a serious rival, committed 
Raven to gaol till the following sessions. 

Sir Edward Bering of Kent now joined forces 
with Finch, and, like his predecessor, commenced 
to buy over the widow's servants. His exploits 
are humorously recorded in his diary thus : 

Nov. 21. I inveigled G. Newman with 2os. 

Nov. 24. I did re-engage him 20$. I did also oil 
the cash-keeper 2os. 

Nov. 26. I gave Edmund Aspull (the cash-keeper) 
another 20s. 

Nov. 27. The cash-keeper supped with me. 

Numerous letters were also despatched to the 
lady, but all to no effect. Suitors came and went, 
and ladies drove to Old Jewry to champion the 
claims of their various knights. Lady Skinner 
pleaded the cause of a Mr. Butler, whose suit was 
abruptly ended by the widow describing him as 
a ' black blunt-nosed gentleman.' Sir Peter 
Temple assured the lady of his superiority in 
birth and estate over Sir Edward Bering. 
Following Temple, came Sir Henry Mainwaring, 
who was introduced by no less a personage than 
the Countess of Bridgewater, 1 and certainly his 
prospects seemed brighter than some of his rivals, 
as the widow had openly stated her desire ' to 
match where there was no children.' Sir Edward 

1 Frances Stanley, daughter and co-heiress of Ferdinando, 
Earl of Derby, married John Egerton, ist Earl of Bridge- 
water, who was M.P. for Shropshire in 1601. 


Bering had been married twice previously, and 
Sir Heneage Finch was a widower. An inter- 
view of an hour, however, terminated our hero's 
suit. Lord Bruce and Viscount Lumley were 
others that sought the widow's hand, the latter 
proving Bering's most serious rival. Sir Edward 
Bering was ably seconded by his old friend, 
Izaak Walton, and Lumley by the widow's brother- 
in-law, Mr. Loe. Lumley's suit appears to have 
triumphed over Bering's, and he succeeded in 
persuading the widow to accept a ring, under 
circumstances which almost amounted to a 
marriage contract. His hopes, however, were soon 
shattered, for on the I4th of February his suit 
was dismissed and the ring returned. 

Hearing of Lumley's fate, Sir Edward's friends 
renewed their exertions more vigorously on his 
behalf, only to be met with a sad rebuff, for on 
the i6th of April 1629 Mrs. Bennett was married 
to Sir Heneage Finch, at St. Bunstan in the 
West, much to the dismay of Mainwaring and 
others. 1 

The wealthy widow having failed Mainwaring, 
an uninhabited island off the coast of Brazil, 
named Fernando do Noronha, next engaged his 
attention. With his brother, Sir Arthur, and 
Captain William King, 2 a man of experience in 
colonial adventure, he accordingly petitioned 
Charles for a grant of it, owing to the possi- 
bility of its being taken possession of by ' the 
subjects of some other Prince, if not speedily 

1 Dering : Proceedings in Kent, ed. L. Larking (Camden 
Soc.), pp. xiv.-xxxiii., where this story is fully chronicled. 

2 King was one of the original adventurers to whom 
James I granted the second charter of incorporation for the 
Virginia Co. (Brown, Genesis of the U.S., i. 219). 


prevented/ Their petition is couched in the 
following terms 1 : 

To the King's most Excellent Majesty. 

The humble petition of Sir Arthur Mainwaring, Sir 
Henry Mainwaring, and Captain William King. 

Shewing that whereas there is a small island commonly 
known by the name of Fernando do Noronha, 2 being 
situated between four and six degrees south latitude, and 
distant from the main land of America, betwixt 80 and 120 
leagues or thereabout, and is not inhabited by the subjects 
of any Christian Prince in league with your Majesty, 
nor as yet granted to any by your Majesty. And the 
same very likely suddenly to be possessed by the subjects 
of some other Prince if it be not speedily prevented, by 
taking into your Majesty's royal protection. 

May it therefore please your Majesty at the humble 
request of your petitioners to grant the said Island to 
them and their heirs, with all such privileges and 
immunities as in like cases your Majesty hath graciously 
been pleased to grant to others, and to that end to give 
order to your Majesty's Attorney General for preparing 
a book, containing a grant thereof accordingly to your 
petitioners for your Majesty's royal signature. 

And as in duty bound your petitioners will daily 
pray for your Majesty's long and happy reign. 

This request was granted, and the above 
document is endorsed by Sir Thomas Aylesbury 3 
as follows : 

At the Court at Whitehall, 3 Feb. i62Q. 4 
His Majesty is graciously pleased to grant the request 
of these petitioners for the above-mentioned island, so 
as the same be not already granted to any by his 

1 S.P. Colonial Papers, vol. 5, No. 52. 

2 MS. Fernando Lorinha: 

3 Aylesbury was secretary to the Earl of Nottingham, 
when Lord High Admiral, and also to his successor Bucking- 
ham. He was Surveyor of the Navy from 1628 to 1632. 

* Old Style, really 1630. 


Majesty, or be not inhabited by any Christian Prince or 
his subjects in league and amity with his Majesty. And 
that Mr. Attorney General prepare a bill thereof accord- 
ingly with such clauses and articles, and in such form 
and manner as his Majesty hath heretofore granted to 
others in cases of the like nature, fit for his Majesty's 
royal signature. 


This island, which is in S. latitude 3 50', and 
W. longitude 32 25', has a curious history, and 
is worthy of a brief notice. It is situated about 
194 miles north-east of Cape San Roque, the most 
eastern point of the Brazils, and lies off the beaten 
track of shipping, being one of the most seldom 
visited islands in the South Atlantic. It was 
probably distv,- TC Ted by Caspar de Lemoz as early 
as 1500, and rediscovered by Fernando do Noron- 
ha, a Portuguese navigator, in 1502. * The 
following is extracted from Americo Vespucci's 
account of his stay at the island, which was 
previously unknown to him, in August, 1503. 

When we had sailed for 300 leagues, being 3 to the 
south of the Equinoctial line, a land was sighted at a dis- 
tance of 22 leagues, at which we were astonished. We 
found that it was an island in the midst of the sea, very high 
and wonderful in its formation, for it was not more than 
two leagues long and one broad, and uninhabited. . . . 
We found the island supplied with abundance of fresh 
water, quantities of trees, and full of marine and land 
birds without number. They were so tame that they 
allowed us to take them with our hands. We caught 
so many that we loaded a boat with these animals. We 
saw nothing but very large rats, lizards with two tails, 
and some serpents. 2 

1 Biographic Universelle, article 'Noronha. 1 
z Vespucci's Letters, ed. Sir C. Markham (Hakluyt Soc., 
1894), pp. 53-5. 


In 1504 the King of Portugal rewarded Fernando 
do Noronha, giving to him and his descendants 
the gift of this isle hence its name. 1 

The island is about four miles long, and, on 
an average, about one mile in breadth. It now 
serves as a Brazilian convict settlement, and is 
chiefly an ' undulating plateau from 100 to 300 feet 
above the sea level, sloping steeply towards sandy 
beaches or bays, or ending in bold bluffs or cliffs, 
but rising occasionally into what the inhabitants 
jocularly term " mountains," of which there are 
four or five, from 500 to 700 feet high.' 

At the eastern end of Fernando do Noronha 
are several small islands, chiefly rocky and unin- 
habited. Dr. Rattray, writing in 1872, stated 
that Brazilian men-of-war, and on an average ten 
or twelve whalers, visit the place during the year. 
The scenery is described ' as by no means un- 
picturesque, the climate fine and healthy. . . . 
The whole island is well worth a visit, and would 
especially repay the naturalist.' 2 

Though a charter was granted by the Crown 
for a settlement in Fernando do Noronha, it was 
not destined to become part of the British Empire. 
For some reason probably a failure to find 
financial support the grant to Mainwaring and 

1 Capt. John Davis, the famous navigator, during his 
voyage to the East Indies, touched here in 1598 ; also again 
in 1605, when he found ' nothing but a wild country, in- 
habited only by six negroes, which live like slaves.' They 
were left there by the Portuguese, whose carracks used to 
water at the island (Davis, Voyages, Hakluyt Soc., 1880, 

PP. 133, 159)- 

a ' A visit to Fernando Noronha ' (Royal Geog. Soc. Journal, 
xlii. pp. 431-8). It has also been visited by the following 
explorers and scientists : Ulloa, Capt. Cook, Foster, Darwin, 
and by the Rev. T. S. Lea in 1887, whose paper is printed in 
the Royal Geog. Soc. Proceedings, x. 1888, pp. 424-35. 


his partners seems never to have proceeded fur- 
ther. No trace, at any rate, is to be found of any 
attempt to operate the concession, and Main- 
waring's colonial ambitions came to an end. 

It is to this year, 1630, that we may assign the 
marriage of Mainwaring to a daughter of Sir 
Thomas Gardiner of Basing's Manor, Peckham. 
We are unable to glean many particulars of the 
lady or her marriage. The only information that 
is forthcoming is that she was the fourth and 
youngest daughter of Sir Thomas, by his wife 
Frances, daughter of Ralph Skipworth, of Park- 
bury, Herts. She was baptised on the 4th of 
October 1607 at St. Giles', Camberwell, and 
received the Christian name of Fortune. 1 

The Gardiners, a Bermondsey family, had been 
resident at Peckham since the latter part of the 
i6th century, and the manor of Basing was pur- 
chased by them during the reign of Elizabeth. 
Sir Thomas Gardiner was a Justice of the Peace 
for the county of Surrey, and there are several 
curious letters from him to persons of high rank, 
preserved in the Public Record Office. 2 

No record is extant of Mainwaring' s courtship, 
but it is possible that he first saw his future wife 
during one of the King's visits to Basing's Manor, 
when he probably formed one of the royal suite. 
Unlike his wooing of the previous year, it was a 
case of love and not riches. No exact date can 
be assigned to the marriage, but the manner in 
which it was celebrated suggests that it was a 
runaway match, and the lady must have been of 
a peculiarly romantic temperament, which found 

1 Coll. Topog. et Geneal., iii. p. 15. 

2 Sir T. Gardiner died loth August 1632, and was buried 
at St. Giles', Camberwell. His wife was also interred there 
4th September 1638. 


an ideal hero in a man of Mainwaring's character 
and antecedents. 

The only account handed down is contained 
in a letter of Sir Thomas Gardiner to the King, 
preserved among the State Papers. Sir Thomas, 
who had been summoned to appear before 
the Star Chamber, on a warrant brought against 
him by Endymion Porter, petitioned the King, 
on account of illness, to be excused. Part 
of his letter is here reproduced l : 'I humbly 
pray that my coming may be spared because of 
mine infirmities, if the matter be not great that 
is made against me.' Then follows some curious 
details relating to his children, in which he says : 

And when the time came that I should bestow my 
daughters in marriage, and conceiving that all hopes 
was frustate for money by my son, then I was driven 
for to lessen my estate, and to sell lands for my daughters' 
portions, and I gave unto three of them two thousand 
and three hundred pounds, besides the charges and their 
raiment in marriage. But my youngest daughter, 
which is the fourth (who your Majesty did once vouchsafe 
to see at my house, and King James often) she, with- 
out my consent or knowledge, mounted up to top of 
Paul's, the nearer to heaven, for to shew God there, how 
wise she was in her actions, and there she was married 
unto Sir Henry Mainwaring ; and yet she was not there 
taken up into heaven, but came down again upon earth, 
here further to trouble me before I die, although the 
great care and charge I had in breeding her up did not 
deserve such disobedience. 

Sir Thomas finishes his quaint epistle by stating 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, clxxv. 128 (undated, but probably 
November 1630). Endorsed ' a true copy of the original 
presented unto the King.' It occupies seven closely written 
folios, and commences, ' Your Royal Gracious Majesty. 
Humbly showeth ; that I sitting ill in my Chamber,' etc. 


that his only son, who served in the Low Countries 
and Denmark, has returned home, and lies at his 
(Sir Thomas's) house to no little charge, ' for 
soldiers will not be pleased nor contented without 
money and gilt.' 

The writer is, of .course, speaking of St. Paul's 
Cathedral, 1 and iht incident has been thought 
sufficiently interesting to be mentioned by a 
modern authority on the cathedral. 2 

In the year of his marriage, Mainwaring was 
elected to the important post of Master of the 
Corporation of Trinity House, his connection with 
which has been fully traced in a subsequent chap- 
ter. Though the office must have occupied most 
of his time, he nevertheless found sufficient leisure 
to interest himself in our right of fishery in the 
Narrow Seas. The importance of this can be 
fully understood when it is stated that during 

1 It is worthy of note that Dr. Donne was Dean of St. 
Paul's at this period. He had, in 1601, married a cousin 
of Mainwaring, Ann, a younger daughter of Sir George More 
of Loseley. Donne's eldest daughter, Constance, married 
at St. Giles', Camberwell, 3 December 1623, Edward Alleyn, 
the famous actor-manager and founder of Dulwich College. 
Donne's third daughter, Bridget, married Mainwaring 's 
brother-in-law, Thomas Gardiner, youngest son of Sir T. 
Gardiner, at Camberwell, about 1633. 

* Dr. S. Simpson, St. Paul's and Old City Life, 262-4. D r - 
Simpson believed that the ' top of Paul's ' might have been 
the ' High Altar at the upper end of the choir,' but the 
context, he states, will not bear that interpretation. In 
The Gull's Hornbook, written by Dekker in 1609, ' the gallant 
is advised to pay tribute to the top of Paul's steeple with 
a single penny ; and before you came down again, I would 
desire you to draw your knife, and grave your name (or 
for want of a name, the mark which you clap on your sheep) 
in great characters upon the leads . . . and indeed the top 
[i.e. the leads] of Paul's contains more names than Stowe's 
Chronicle.' For other instances of this, see Rye's England 
as seen by Foreigners, p. 202. 


the first half of the lyth century, the main issue 
in determining the English claim to the sovereignty 
of the seas was based upon her right of fishery in 
those quarters. In 1630, therefore, Mainwaring 
presented to Sir John Coke, one of the Navy 
Commissioners, a discourse on the inconveniences 
and abuses that resulted from allowing the French 
to fish at the Sowe, a fishing-ground 1 situated 
between Rye and Dieppe, the ' outwardmost ' part 
of which extended about a third over the Channel. 
This fishery came within the jurisdiction of the 
Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, and the French 
kings, ' time out of mind/ had been accustomed 
to obtain licences for a limited number of their 
boats to fish there, for the ostensible purpose of 
supplying the court of France with fresh fish. 

The fishing-ground was stated to be the 'choice 
nursery for turbots, halibuts, pearls, sole, 
weavers, gurnets, etc.' During the reign of 
Queen Elizabeth the licences were very restricted, 
and the French could only obtain four. James I, 
however, ' who did not much love fish/ was more 
liberal, and during his regime their number was 
increased to 14. These boats and their masters 
were chosen by the Governor of Dieppe, who 
sent them over to Dover Castle to be approved 
of. If on examination their nets were found to 
be of lawful scale, five inches, they were granted 
a licence for one year on payment of four crowns. 
At what period this custom originated is uncertain, 
but it was evidently of considerable antiquity, and 
may have even come down from Norman and 
Angevin times. 2 

1 Three leagues long and three broad ; depth 26 and 28 
fathoms. The discourse (S.P. Dom., Charles I, clxxx. 96) is 
printed, for the first time, in vol. ii. 

1 Fulton, Sovereignty of the Sea, p. 65. 


The granting of these licences proved to be 
very unsatisfactory, and brought many complaints 
from the fisher folk of Rye, whose fishery was prin- 
cipally carried on at the Sowe. Nor were their 
complaints unreasonable. Whereas the French 
had leave to fish in seal ion and out of season, the 
' Reyers ' were restricted to certain times of the 
year, and were not allowed to fish in the night, a 
privilege which was granted the French. For 
every French boat that took a licence another 
one was in readiness to attend her, ' that as one 
goes in, the other stays out and takes the licence.' 
Besides this fraudulent dealing, 40 or 50 other 
boats from places adjacent to Dieppe took the 
liberty to fish without licence, an abuse which 
was added to by their using unlawful nets. 

The evils resulting from allowing the French 
to fish at the Sowe had been apparent to Main- 
waring for some time, and during his Lieutenancy 
of Dover Castle several cases of illegal fishing had 
come under his jurisdiction. 

To the town of Rye, the licences and their 
attendant abuses proved disastrous. From a very 
early period Rye had been celebrated for her own 
fishery, and the ' ripiers ' 1 of Rye had the privilege 
of supplying the royal table and London with fresh 
fish. Though Rye had hitherto been in a 
flourishing position, by 1630 Mainwaring reported 
that the town had fallen to such great decay that 
the houses were being pulled down for want of 
tenants. The navigation of the port was ' almost 
laid down,' and there were only six or seven 
fisherboats. Whereas there were formerly ' 500 
seamen of the train band, there is now few more 
than 100,' he wrote. To remedy the abuses com- 

1 Those who carried the fish to London in panniers on 
horses' backs. 


mitted by the French he suggested that Charles 
should appoint boats of his own subjects to attend 
the French king's service, and that only sufficient 
to supply the immediate needs of the French 
court should be granted the privilege to fish. If 
the King of France, he informed Coke, 

desires to enrich his subjects, to increase and strengthen 
his navigation by impoverishing and weakening ours, I 
think the law of nature, and reason of state, will oblige 
our King to prefer and perform his own strength to prevent 
such intentions, especially now the French begin to 
talk of Mare Liberum. The affairs, privileges, and 
prerogative of the Narrow Seas so highly concern his 
Majesty, that beware whosoever shall aim to make him- 
self Pompey, our King must still be Ccesar aut Nullus. 

In conclusion, Mainwaring enumerated the various 
benefits that would be bestowed on the kingdom 
if this reformation were carried out, first and 
foremost among them being that ' the Port and 
Town of Rye will again flourish and be re-popu- 
lated ; ' while seamen, shipping, and divers crafts 
belonging to the same would be increased and 

That Mainwaring's advice was acted upon may 
be inferred from the fact that in May 1631 the 
Lords of the Admiralty instructed Pennington to 
cause some of the ships under his command to 
range the Sowe near Rye, and in the event of 
finding any Frenchmen fishing without licence 
from the Lord Warden, their nets were to be 
seized, and the masters and their boats sent into 
one of his Majesty's ports. Similar instructions 
were also issued to the fleet in the spring of the 
following year. 1 

The year in which Mainwaring was advocating 
our claims in the Narrow Seas marks, by a strange 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cxcii. 7 ; ccxv. 15. 


coincidence, the beginning of a period when a 
further revival in England's maritime interests is 
noticeable. 1 There is evidence that the sug- 
gestions propounded by the Special Commissioners 
in 1626-27 were at last.being seriously considered, 
and one result of the' welcome peace with both 
France and Spain was to stimulate Charles and 
the officers of the Navy to strengthen England's 
first arm of defence. In October 1630 an account 
of the present state of the Navy was called for by 
the King. A list of ships that had been at sea 
during the year was drawn up, and the captains 
themselves were ordered to prepare a statement of 
their various employments. The reason for this 
was that information had reached the King of 
much negligence in the Narrow Seas. ' The 
King's end is princely/ wrote Coke, ' and if they 
(the captains) can give him satisfaction for the 
present, they will for the future put things into a 
due form of account both for the better govern- 
ment and his Majesty's better contentment.' 2 

Early in the following year the King started on 
a tour of inspection of the various dockyards, 
accompanied by Mainwaring and other prominent 
officials. In April, Charles and his party were at 
Woolwich, where they were shown over the yard 
and entertained by Phineas Pett. On the I5th 
and i6th of June they were at Rochester and 
Chatham, and in a gossipy letter which Nicholas 
sent to Pennington, we get a vivid account of the 
King's personal interest in the Navy. 3 'Charles 

1 Following on Mainwaring 's discourse, Sir John Borough's 
work on the Sovereignty of the British Seas was written in 
1633, and Selden's monumental work appeared in 1635. 

2 S.P. Dom., Charles I, clxxiv. 21. In the Coke MSS. there 
is an ' Account for Sea Services, ' being Coke's report of an 
inquiry into the Navy in this year (Hist. MSS. Comm., 12 i, 

3 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cxcv. 6. 


went aboard every ship, and almost into every 
room in every ship. There was no office in any 
ship that his Majesty went not into himself, and 
into the holds of most of them. He afterwards 
beheld and counted the ordnance belonging to 
every vessel, which lay ashore marked and sorted 
for his Majesty's view. He then went to the dock 
at Chatham, and visited all the rooms and store- 
houses there, and saw the making and tarring of 
the cordage.' 

The result of the visit was highly satisfactory 
both to the King and the Lords of the Admiralty, 
who, according to Nicholas, ' got great honour 
by this survey,' so much so, that there was ' not a 
thought of a Lord Admiral,' the office of which 
had been in commission since Buckingham's death. 
The favourable impression which the King's visit 
created was also shown during his stay at Ports- 
mouth, where he arrived on the 2nd of August, to 
inspect the Triumph, Swiftsure, St. George, St. 
Andrew, Warspite, 3rd Whelp, 8th Whelp, Maria, 
and Esperance, which were in harbour there. 1 

As a result of the King's tour the officers of 
the Navy were informed by the Lords of the 
Admiralty that 

his Majesty hath thought fit for your better strengthen- 
ing in the government of his Navy, to join with you his 
servant Sir Kenelm Digby, a gentleman of worth, and 
well acquainted with the sea. We do admonish, and 
entreat you, that with united councils and endeavours 
you will reform all such abuses and disorders as have 
crept into any part of the service. 2 

Digby was a personal friend of Mainwaring, and 
had only recently returned from a successful 
privateering expedition in the Mediterranean. 

1 Oglander, p. 58 ; S.P. Dom., Charles I, cxcviii. 7. 

2 Hist. MSS. Comm., 12 i, 413. October 13, 1631. 


The principal reason for this renewed activity 
on the part of Charles is to be found in the fact 
that up to 1631 the French had built no less 
than thirty-nine war ships within the space 
of five years, 1 while the Dutch had practically set 
the English claim to the sovereignty of the 
seas at nought. This rapid building on the part 
of our continental rivals could not be ignored, 
and it became imperative that England should 
wake from her lethargy if she was to preserve 
her position as the foremost naval power. The 
race for maritime supremacy had at last begun 
in earnest, and following on the visit of the King, 
the English dockyards responded slowly but 
surely to the call made on them. During the 
next three years they were kept fully active, and 
at the end of that time they had turned out six 
new vessels for the Navy. In furtherance of 
the King's policy the Lords of the Admiralty 
on the 2ist of April 1632 issued instructions 
for Sir Robert Mansell, Sir Henry Mervin, Sir 
Kenelm Digby, Sir Henry Mainwaring, and Sir 
Sackville Trevor ; with Captains Best, Rain- 
borowe, and Kyme, to attend a meeting of 
the Board, for the purpose of determining the 
number of men necessary for manning each of 
the King's ships, and to give their opinion as to 
the ordnance required for the same. Unfortu- 
nately there appears to have been some difference 
of opinion among these gentlemen, and a month 
later we are informed that Mansell and his party 
were busy measuring the ships, and that Main- 
waring, Digby, and the Trinity House had 
subscribed what they thought were the number 
of men necessary, but kept the information to 
themselves. On the 4th of July a meeting was 

1 Fulton, Sovereignty of the Sea, p. 246. 


arranged with Mansell, but after a long discussion 
they failed to agree, and it was decided to deliver 
their opinions separately to the King. 

The Trinity House men [wrote Digby to Coke] fore- 
bore presenting their opinions to his Majesty, to give 
way to Sir Robert Mansell for measuring the ships, which 
being done, and Sir Robert not making use of it for this 
service (but for some sinister end), they beg the King 
to assign a time when they shall attend him. 

The controversy seems to have lasted the 
whole year, and was not finally settled till the 
end of March 1633, when the King finally approved 
of the numbers propounded by the Trinity House. 
The original list, which gives the names of the 
ships, their measurements, burthens, and the 
number of men appointed for each, both on the 
coast and for foreign service, is here reproduced. 1 

' A list of his Majesty's ships with their several 
measures and burthens, and the numbers of men 
appointed for each, entered by his Majesty's express 
command. The numbers of men propounded by 
the Trinity House for service on this coast, and 
for foreign service, are approved and established 
by his Majesty, whereof the Lords Commissioners 
for the Admiralty are prayed and required to take 
notice, and to give order accordingly.' (See p. 223.) 

During March and April 2 of this year, a 

1 5.P. Dom., Charles I, ccxx. 16 ; ccxxxiv. 52. 

* In the April of 1633 Mainwaring suffered a sad bereave- 
ment by the death of his wife. The love match which ended 
under such romantic circumstances at the ' Top of Paul's' 
was destined to be shortlived, and it is to be regretted that 
among the many letters written by Mainwaring, not one 
has been preserved that enables us to get a passing glimpse 
of him in his domestic life. Lady Mainwaring was buried 
at St. Giles', Camberwell, on the 2bth of April (Coll. Topog. 
et Genealog., iii. p. 15). 




Number of 
men foe 

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Number of 
men at sea. 


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S CO ^ O> t^ <j>00 >O t^'O'^-rO'^-OJ O HI O\ O\ HH O NvO >O<OrON M NCOOOOO^OCOOOvOOOOOO'O 

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thorough survey of the Navy and naval stores 
took place at Chatham, Portsmouth, and Dept- 
ford, under the superintendence of Sir William 
Russell, Kenrick Edisbury, and Denis Fleming, 
the three principal officers of the Navy. 1 As a 
result, a praiseworthy effort was made to get 
some of the fleet ready for sea, and by the be- 
ginning of June, Pennington, who had been 
appointed Admiral for the guard of the Narrow 
Seas, was patrolling the Channel with six warships 
under his command. His principal charge was 
'to preserve his Majesty's honour, coasts, and 
jurisdiction within the extent of his employ- 
ment, so that no nation should intrude therein.' 
In the event of meeting with ' ships of any foreign 
prince/ he was instructed ' to expect the Admiral 
and chief of them to perform their duty and 
homage in passing by, and if they refuse he is 
to enforce it.' 2 From these instructions it is 
clear that the idea of enforcing the English claim 
to the sovereignty of the seas was gradually 
maturing in the mind of the King and his Council, 
and Pennington's cruise in 1633 was but the 
germ of a much larger naval demonstration, the 
famous ship-money fleets which were inaugurated 
two years later. Before giving an account of 
them, it is interesting to examine the naval force 
that Charles had at his disposal in 1634. The 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccxxxiii. 79, 84, 91 ; ccxxxiv. 62, 
70, 75 ; ccxxxvi. 85. The report of the Survey occupies in 
all 165 quartos. 

2 Ibid., ccxxxvii. i. Though Pennington's cruise two 
years earlier was ' for the protection of trade, and securing 
the Narrow Seas from pirates,' he had nevertheless received 
' private instructions ' that in the event of meeting any 
fleet ' belonging to any foreign prince,' he was to compel the 
Admiral, ' in acknowledgement of his Majesty's sovereignty, 
to strike his topsail in passing by ' (ibid., cxc. 52 ; cxcii. 3). 


two last vessels which had been added to the 
Navy were the Leopard and Swallow, and their 
inception was due to Mervin, Mainwaring, 
Pennington, and Button, to whose dimensions 
they were built in i634. 1 I ; The total number of 
the King's ships was now 42, comprising 4 first 
rates ; 16 second rates ; 10 third rates ; 2 fourth 
rates ; 8 of the 10 original Whelps, classed as 
fifth rates ; besides 2 sixth rates, the Henrietta 
and Maria. 2 In addition to the King's ships, it 
is necessary to consider the strength of the 
mercantile marine, which formed an integral 
part of the Navy. All the fleets set forth by 
Charles I contained a large proportion of armed 
merchant ships, and when it is remembered that 
no fewer than ninety-five of over 100 tons each 
had been built between the years 1 630-34, 3 
we begin to realise what a powerful naval force 
Charles had at his disposal when the first ship- 
money writs were sent out in 1634. 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I. cclix. 91. 

Keel. Beam. Depth. to ^ 

Leopard 95 ft. 33 ft. 12*4 ft. 515 

Swallow 96 ft. 32-2 ft. 117 ft. 478 

z Mayo, Trinity House, p. 20. A navy list of 1633, 
printed in Derrick, Royal Navy, pp. 59-61, gives 50 ships 
obviously erroneous. 

3 Oppenheim, p. 271. 



' Who is so wilfully ignorant or so grossly blinded 
as not to see, and seeing, not to acknowledge, the being 
of a navy in this kingdom to be one of the greatest and 
[most] deserving undertakings of the State, worthy 
the care of the greatest peer, and the prayer of the 
greatest prelate ? ' 

' If either the honour of a nation, commerce or trade 
with all nations, peace at home, grounded upon our 
ememies' fear or love of us abroad, and attended with 
plenty of all things necessary either for the preservation 
of the public weal or thy private welfare, be things 
worthy thy esteem . . . then next to God and the 
King give thy thanks for the same to the Navy.' 1 

MAINWAKING'S career as a naval officer now 
brings us into contact with an important develop- 
ment in our naval policy, the true significance of 
which, affecting as it did the status of England 
as a great sea power, has been overshadowed by 
the constitutional crisis to which it ultimately led. 
The lines quoted above, though written as 
long ago as 1638, were just as true then as they 
are in the twentieth century, but unfortunately 
the writer's views did not find the same whole- 
hearted support as they would at the present 

1 John Hollond, Discourse of the Navy (Navy Rec. Soc.), 

PP- 4-5- 


1635-1636 THE SHIP-MONEY FLEETS 227 

day. It is true that the majority of his country- 
men were willing to acknowledge that a powerful 
fleet was desirable both for the credit and safety 
of the nation, yet the inception of a permanent 
naval force was looked upon as a very unequal 
recompense for the national liberties, which were 
to be sacrificed to establish it. 1 The position of 
foreign affairs in 1634 na d certainly reached an 
acute point, and besides the Dutch, the French, 
to quote a contemporary, were now challenging 
a dominion in those seas ' where anciently they 
durst not fish for gurnets without licence.' 2 
Therefore the necessity of placing the English 
fleet on a sounder basis became apparent, and 
towards the end of January 1634 the Lords of 
the Admiralty, ' having taken into consideration 
the depredations committed in the Narrow Seas, 
and even within his Majesty's ports and chambers, 
by men-of-war to the dishonour of his Majesty's 
sovereignty in those seas, the discrediting of his 
harbours, and the disturbance of trade,' instructed 
Sir Henry Marten, the judge of the Admiralty 
Court, and the Attorney-General, Noy, ' to com- 
pose a reglement whereby his Majesty's ancient 
right in the Narrow Seas, and in his chambers and 
ports,' might be preserved. 3 Though Charles 
was without a Parliament, he resolved to meet 
the monetary difficulty that such a step would 
involve by reviving a tax that had been 
imposed once or twice previously, 4 and for this 

1 Ewald, Stories from the State Papers, ii. 165. 
* S.P. Dom., Charles I, cclxxviii. 3. 

3 Ibid., cclix. 7. 

4 Under the Plantagenets it had been the custom to call 
upon the port towns to furnish ships for the defence of the 
kingdom. In 1626 a fleet had been created in this manner, 
during the war with Spain (Ewald, ii. 163). 


purpose the first issue of ship-money writs was 
sent out towards the end of 1634. 

After due deliberation by the committee to 
whom the King referred this ' business of guarding 
the sea/ 1 it was thought safest, or more in accord- 
ance with the former precedent, to limit the 
writs to the port towns ; but finally all maritime 
places were joined with them. Each was called 
upon to maintain a proportion of the shipping 
for the defence of the Narrow Seas 2 that is, the 
two seas between England and France, and 
England and the Netherlands. 3 Whatever may 
be thought of the financial measures which were 
adopted to give the new idea material shape, 
there can be no doubt that the policy itself struck 
the keynote of the development of British power, 
and it is this side of the question that we are able 
to see more clearly through the aid of Mainwaring, 
for it was in the fleets that resulted that he held 
important commands. The objects of the fleet 
are so fully set forth in the instructions issued by 
Coke, that we cannot do better than reproduce 
them in full. It will be observed that the impor- 
tance which Mainwaring attached to our right of 
fishery in the Sowe is duly recognised. 4 

Our intention is not to offend or incommodate our 
neighbours or allies, or in any sort to break that peace 
which, by God's great blessing, we enjoy with all Princes 
and States. Our seas, commonly called the four English 
seas, are much infested by men-of-war and others, 
tending to the denial or impeachment of that sovereignty, 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., 12 ii. 59. 

2 I.e., to provide the King with ships, or pay an equivalent 
sum of money (Cat. S.P., 1634, pref. xxvi.). 

3 Edmundson, Anglo-Dutch Rivalry, p. 161. 

* ' Instructions for the Fleet.' Draft by Sir J. Coke in 
Hist. MSS. Com., 12 ii. 104. 


peculiar interest, and property, which we and our pro- 
genitors, time out of mind, have had and enjoyed in 
the said seas. We have therefore now put our navy 
in order for the maintenance J >f this right. And because 
this sovereignty is exercised especially in guarding 
of our seas, we command you not to suffer our power 
and right to be therein usurped upon. But if any Prince 
or State shall, by their fleets or men-of-war, take upon 
them to keep a guard on our seas, you shall first prohibit 
them and require them peaceably to retreat. And in 
case they shall resist or refuse you shall force them to 
quit the seas. And that in the due execution of all 
these our sovereignty may be acknowledged and main- 
tained, we require you to let none pass by you of what 
quality soever without veiling bonnet and performing 
the due homage of the sea. That which, in the next 
place, we require you to look unto as a branch of our 
sovereignty is to free and secure trade in every part 
of our seas. And whereas the inveterate war between 
the subjects of Spain and the United Provinces hath 
introduced an innovation prohibiting free commerce, 
contrary to our undoubted right and the practice of 
former times, and law of nations, by seizing and con- 
fiscating the persons, ships, and goods of our subjects 
trading on either side, as forcing all their neighbours 
to submit to their interests, we, following the example 
and resolution of our progenitors, require you to oppose 
and vindicate this wrongful restraint of trade by whom- 
soever it shall be made. And in case you cannot rescue 
and recover what shall be taken, you shall cause due 
restitution by way of reprisal. As trade must be opened 
and protected, so with equal care you must in the fishing 
restore and preserve our ancient rights. The fishing 
betwixt the English and French coasts hath ever been 
acknowledged to be proper to this Crown, and the 
French kings themselves have fished there only by our 
licence. For the herring and other fishings, though we 
permit our neighbours to partake with us in God's 
blessings upon our coasts, yet therein you must take care, 
first, that our own fishermen have precedence and 


advantage for their better encouragement in this hopeful 
trade ; secondly, that all strangers yield to us such duty 
and acknowledgment as heretofore hath been allowed. 
By these instructions you are sufficiently directed in 
general in the things concerning the interest of our 
State. We forbear to descend to particulars, relying 
therein upon your own discretion, who, with the advice 
of a well-chosen council of war of experienced com- 
manders, will be best able to resolve upon emergent 
occasions what is fittest to be done. Other instruc- 
tions concerning the government of your fleet in what 
belongeth to every man's proper office we leave to the 
direction of the Commissioners of our Admiralty in 
the usual form. 

These instructions were issued to the Earl of 
Lindsey, on whom was conferred the command of 
the first ship-money fleet, and with him, as his 
Vice and Rear Admirals respectively, were Sir 
William Monson, the old Elizabethan sailor, and 
Sir John Pennington, who had recently been 
knighted. Though Mainwaring's name figures 
third on a list of captains drawn up for presen- 
tation to the King on March 1635, for some 
reason he was not actively employed. 1 This is the 
more curious as Mainwaring sailed with all the 
subsequent fleets, but possibly ill-health may have 
been the cause. It was originally intended that 
the fleet should assemble at Portsmouth, but 
owing to an outbreak of small-pox the Downs 
was substituted, and by the beginning of June 
the whole fleet, consisting of 19 king's ships and 
6 merchantmen, assembled in this famous road- 
stead. 2 The ships and their commanders were 3 : 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cclxxxiv. 84, 85. 

* Clowes (ii. p. 73) says 26 merchant ships, but both 
Monson and Lediard state 6. 

3 Lediard, ii. 524 ; Monson's Naval Tracts (ed. Oppenheim), 
ii, 223-4. 


Merhonour . . Earl of Lindsey, Admiral. 

James . . Sir William Monson, Vice-Admiral. 

Swiftsure . . Sir John Pennington, Rear- Admiral. 

St. George . . James Montague, Captain. 

St. Andrew . Walter Stewart, Captain. 

Henrietta Maria . Thomas Porter, Captain. 

Vanguard . . Sir Francis Sydenham, Captain. 

Rainbow . . John Povey, Captain. 

Lion . . . John Mennes, Captain. 

Reformation . Lord Poulett, Captain. 

Leopard . . Lewis Kirke, Captain. 

Mary Rose . . George Carteret, Captain. 

Adventure . . Richard Parramour, Captain. 

Swallow . . Henry Stradling, Captain. 

Antelope . . Richard Fogge, Captain. 

ist Whelp . . Anthony Penruddock, Captain. 

3rd Whelp . . Peter Lindsey, Captain. 

8th Whelp . . Thomas Price, Captain. 

loth Whelp. . William Smith, Captain. 

and the following merchantmen : Sampson, Royal 
Exchange, Freeman, Pleiades, William and Thomas, 
Minnikin, ketch. 

On the 6th of the month the whole fleet 
sailed westward from the Downs, but contrary 
winds detained it at St. Helens for some time, 
and it was not until the 20th that Lindsey reached 
Dartmouth. A large French fleet which had been 
driven into Portland Roads by stress of weather 
considerably alarmed the inhabitants of Wey- 
mouth, who appealed to Lindsey for protection. 
The French admiral, de Manty, however, assured 
the mayor that he had no hostile intentions, and 
in order to pacify the inhabitants he offered to 
show his instructions, which bound him ' to honour 
and respect ' everything belonging to the King of 
Great Britain. 1 As soon as the weather permitted 

1 Cat. S.P., 1635, P re f- xrv > S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccxci. 23. 


the French fleet sailed westward, with Lindsey 
on its heels. The English admiral was ' once so 
near them, as with the same wind that he came 
into Portland Road they (the French) put to sea.' x 
On the 2ist the English fleet reached Plymouth, 
and from thence proceeded to the ' furthermost 
part of Scilly/ during which time they met with 
a few Hollanders, who performed ' their due 
obeisance.' z On returning along the coast 
Lindsey was informed that the French fleet had 
been joined by a Dutch squadron, and had pro- 
ceeded either to the French coast or the Bay of 
Biscay. Accordingly, the English fleet plied 
towards the coast of France, and Lindsey in a 
despatch from Plymouth on the 2ist of July 
stated that he had caused ' a boat to be taken up 
at Plymouth, and sent to Ushant, Conquet, and 
other parts of France to bring him intelligence 
what ships were thereabout.' The only infor- 
mation that was forthcoming, however, was to 
the effect that the combined French and Dutch 
fleets were ' supposed to be on the coast of Biscay.' 
This was actually the case, and in order to prevent 
hostilities, Richelieu had instructed the French 
admiral to cruise in the Bay in concert with the 
Dutch. Nevertheless, a rumour was current that 
17 French men-of-war were off the Lizard, and, 
the wind being favourable, Lindsey made all haste 
to intercept them. On arrival no trace was to be 
found of the French fleet, and the English admiral 
went on to the Lands End, but with the same result. 
If the French ' did appear/ wrote Lindsey, ' they 
were late come, and soon gone/ 3 In fact, neither 
pirate nor enemy of any kind was to be found, 
and on the 4th of August the fleet returned to the 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccxci. 82. 

a Ibid., ccxi. 82. 3 Ibid., ccxiv. 20. 


Downs to revictual. Early in September it was 
again ready for sea, and the English admiral 
sailed west, with the intention of ranging along 
the coast as before, but' unfavourable weather 
detained him off the Isle of Wight until the end 
of the month. It being late in the year, Lindsey 
decided to return to the Downs, arriving there 
on the 5th of October, the cruise of the first ship- 
money fleet ending three days later. Though 
Lindsey 's fleet had not met with any resistance, 
its presence in the Channel no doubt raised the 
general opinion of England as a maritime power. 
The moral effect of the fleet was certainly great, 
and Sir Kenelm Digby, one of the Navy Com- 
missioners, writing to Coke from Paris on the 
29th of September, stated that if the King kept 
' a fleet at sea, and his navy in that reputation it 
now is for I assure your honour that is very 
great and although my Lord of Lindsey do no 
more than sail up and down, yet the very setting 
of our best fleet out to sea is the greatest service 
that I believe hath been done the King these 
many years.' 1 

As a display of naval force it was certainly an 
event of which Charles was justly proud, and 
when the second writs were issued, he was deter- 
mined that the resulting fleet should be on a 
much grander scale. For this purpose the writs 
were extended from the maritime places to the 
whole of the kingdom, a procedure, Laud wrote, 
' I pray God bless . . . for if it go well, the King 
will be a great master at sea, and in these active 
times we, by God's blessing, may be more safe 
by land/ 2 In some of the country places people 
were found who ' assumed the character of 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., 12 ii, 95. 

2 Strafford, Letters, i. 438. 


patriots,' and refused to pay their contribution 
towards the tax, but the majority of the writs 
were executed with great facility. 1 

The command of the second ship-money fleet 
was bestowed on the Earl of Northumberland, 
and Mainwaring was commissioned to the Unicorn, 
a second rate of 34 guns, built in 1633. Though 
the number of ships under Northumberland's com- 
mand only exceeded that of the previous year by 
two, it comprised no less than 24 king's ships as 
against the 19 that sailed with Lindsey. The 
following list gives the names of the ships, with 
their commanders, guns, and crews. 2 






Admiral's Squadron. 

Triumph . 

Earl of Northum- 




berland, Admiral 

Unicorn . 

Sir Henry Main- 






John Mennes 




Victory . 

Walter Stewart 




Swallow . 

Thomas Kirke 

47 8 



Jonas 3 

Richard Fielding 




Neptune 3 

Ben. Johnson 




4th Whelp 
Greyhound Pin- 

Sir Elias Hickes 
Robert Turner 








1 Cal. S.P. Dom., 1636-37, pref. x. 

3 This list differs slightly from that given in CloWes, ii. 
PP- 73-5. an( i m Mr. Oppenheim's edition of Monson's Naval 
Tracts, iii. 252, both as regards ships and commanders. It is 
taken from Northumberland's own Journal (S.P. Dom., 
Charles I, cccxliii. 72). X Blank in the original. 

8 Merchant ships fitted out by the City of London. 










'ce- Admiral's Squadr 


St. Andrew 1 . 

Sir John 





Henrietta Maria 

Thomas Porter 




Nonsuch . 

John Povey 




Repulse . 

Lewis Kirke 





George Carteret 




Bonaventure . 

Henry Stradling 





Thomas Price 




loth Whelp . 

Francis Smith 




Roebuck . 

Robert Slingsby 




Rear- Admiral's Squadron. 


Sir Henry Mervin 


4 8 


Charles . 

Thomas Kettleby 




Garland . 

Richard Fogge 




Defiance . 

David Murray 





Jeremy Brett 




Mary Rose 

John Fletcher 




5th Whelp 

John Burley 




2nd Whelp 

Phillip Hill 




True Love 2 

Peter Lindsey 




The instructions given to the Earl of Northum- 
berland were almost identical to those issued 
to Lindsey in the previous year, but in addition 
' Brief instructions for a sea-fight ' were also 
given, whereas in the ' Instructions ' of 1630, 
only one article (No. 18) dealt with tactics, the 
rest being constituted of ' articles of war, sailing 
instructions, and general directions for the conduct 

1 Substituted for the Anne Royal, which was wrecked on 
her way to join the fleet. 

2 Merchant ship fitted out by the City of London. 


of a fleet at sea/ 1 An eminent naval authority 
has written that ' the inaccessibility of the official 
Fighting Instructions from time to time issued to 
the fleet has long been a recognised stumbling- 
block to students of naval history/ z and there- 
fore it may be permissible to print those issued 
by Northumberland in 1636, which, though brief, 
have hitherto not been published, as far as we are 
aware. They are entitled : 

Brief directions for a sea-fight in case of encounter. 3 
Our rendezvous whilst we are to the north-west is 
Flamboro' Head, and so to the northward some ten 
leagues off the shore. 

If we meet with an enemy that will oppose us, we are 
to use all diligence to get the wind of them if possible 
we can, and then to fetch them up. The Admiral to 
join fight with their Admiral, the Vice- Admiral 
with their Vice-Admiral, and the Rear-Admiral with 
their Rear-Admiral, if it may be done without losing 
any good advantage ; and so for the Admiral, Vice, 
and Rear Admiral of the squadron. 

Directions for the Admiral's squadron. 

1. If the Admiral be engaged the Victory is to 
second him, and the Neptune the Victory. 

2. If my Vice- Admiral be engaged, the Jonah is to 
second him, and the 4th Whelp to second him. 

3. And if my Rear- Admiral be engaged, the Swallow 
is to second him, and the Swan to second him. 

4. Every ship is to keep such a distance that they 
hinder not one another, and that they be sure not to 
hurt any of our fleet with their ordnance, nor come foul 
one of another. 

1 Corbett, Fighting Instructions, 1530-1816, p. 76 (Navy 
Records Soc.). 

2 Sir Julian Corbett, ibid., pref. i. The instructions 
issued in 1635 are printed in Monson's Naval Tracts, ed. 
Oppenheim, vol. iv. (Navy Record Soc.). 

3 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cccxliii. 72. 


5. If the Admiral be laid aboard by a ship of war, 
or by a fire ship, and that the enemy with a ship, or 
ships, lie close by, plying him with small st/ot, and 
hinder him from putting out the fire, or clearing him- 
self, then his second is to thrust in between the enemy's 
ship and the Admiral, to give him time to clear himself 
and put out the fire ; if he be not near, then the next 
of his squadron is to do it, and so for all the fleet. 

6. If it happen that any of our fleet be engaged, so 
that he is like to be lost unless he be relieved, then in 
that case the ship that is next him, although he have 
the vantage of an enemy's ship, yet he is to leave the 
pursuit of that ship, and presently to succour that ship 
of our fleet that is engaged. 

7. If any man that is side by side with an enemy's 
ship receive a shot under water, or have a mast, or yard 
shot by the board, or have plied their ordnance so long 
till they be hot, and cannot well come off, then his 
second to thrust in between him and the enemy's ship, 
till he can free himself and come into his place again, and 
so of any second, or any of the squadrons if they have 
none side by side with them ; in the meantime they 
are to ply their chase and luff pieces to rake the enemy's 
ship, or ships, fore and aft. 

8. If we do assail an enemy's fleet, then the Vice- 
Admiral of the fleet to go ahead with his squadron, and 
to begin the fight, and so his second as before, unless 
it be thought fit to lie side by side till he have spoiled, 
or disabled his enemy, in that case his second to rake the 
enemy fore and aft. 

9. If any ship being in fight with an enemy's ship 
which shall bear room, or forsake the fight by way of 
flight, you shall not chase the said ship out of the fleet, 
but engage yourself where you shall see the most resistance 
to be made by the enemy, to weaken the force of those 
that shall most strongly oppose us. 

10. The uncertainty of a sea fight is such that no 
certain instructions can be given, by reason till we 
come to it we know not how the enemy will work, and 
then (as often befals) one ship will becalm another, and 
some not possible to luff or board up as they would 


because of ships that are near them, and many other 
accidents, which must be left to every captain to govern 
by his own discretion and valour. 

On paper the fleet presented a formidable 
appearance, 1 but its strength was seriously under- 
mined by the twin evils of the Stuart regime- 
bad victuals and inefficient seamen. In many 
cases the food served out to the men proved so 
unwholesome that it was thrown overboard. 
During the voyage from Chatham to the Hope, 
there was scarce a seafaring man on board Main- 
waring's ship, with the exception of the officers ! 
Pennington's flagship, the Anne Royal, was wrecked 
in the river through the indiscretion of her master, 
Peter White, who, contrary to orders, had left 
the ship unmoored. When informed by the 
steward that the hold was full of water, he hoisted 
the top-sails, and so overset the ship ' which had 
fallen flat if the main-yard, being stricken, had 
not held her up/ 2 This was Nottingham's Ark 
Royal of 1588, rebuilt and renamed, which he 
lovingly stated ' was the odd ship of the world 
for all conditions.' That she was held in scant 
veneration by Northumberland's seamen is re- 
vealed by the fact, that when wrecked, the 
carpenter and others cut holes in her side to 
enable them to get their clothes out ! 3 The 
St. Andrew was afterwards commissioned to 
take the place of the Ann Royal, and on the 2Oth 
of May part of the fleet weighed and sailed west 
from the Downs. The French were known to have 
a large fleet at Rochelle, and Northumberland's 

1 It was stated to have been the most powerful fleet fitted 
out from England up to that date. 

z S.P. Dom., Charles I, cccxix. 4, 13. 

3 Oppenheim, 221. S.P. Dom., Charles I, cccxix. 15. 


instructions were to watch it. While his ships 
were waiting in the Downs, two Dunkirk frigates, 
with four French vessels which they had taken 
at sea, came into the harbour under Pendennis 
Castle, Falmouth. After a brief stay of two or 
three days they set sail, and were encountered 
by a Hollander, the Black Bull of Amsterdam, 
commanded by Captain Van Galen, 1 who chased 
one of the frigates back into the harbour. There- 
upon the fort opened fire on the Black Bull, which 
promptly tacked about and chased the other 
frigate into Helford, following her about a mile 
into the river, until they both touched ground. 
Not content with that, Van Galen landed thirty 
musketeers on the south bank of the river, and 
succeeded in capturing the frigate. This was 
' an insolency not to be endured,' and Northum- 
berland was instructed to give order for some 
of his fleet to scour the seas for the Hollander, 
and apprehend him, so as to secure those seas 
' from pickeroons, and sea rovers, who violate 
his Majesty's roads and ports.' It stands to the 
credit of Northumberland's men that they 
effected the capture of the Black Bull soon after 
receiving these instructions, and on the 23rd of 
May the Hollander was brought into Portsmouth 
Harbour. In order that she should not escape, 
her rudder was unhanged and her sails taken 
ashore. 2 

Three days later the fleet ' had beaten up ' 
to Portland Road, where it was detained by 

1 Van Galen was a typical Dutch sailor. As Admiral Van 
Galen he is remembered by his courageous bearing, when 
mortally wounded, during an action with the English fleet off 
Leghorn in 1653. 

2 Northumberland's Journal, S.P. Dom., Charles I, 
cccxxv. 20. 


contrary winds. While off Portland eight Dutch 
men-of-war were encountered, to which Northum- 
berland gave chase, but owing to the superior 
sailing qualities of the Hollanders, the English 
were unable to come up with them. 1 

In the meantime both Pennington and Main- 
waring were detained in the Downs by not having 
sufficient men to man their ships. In this respect 
Mainwaring was not so unfortunate as his 
colleague, and on the ist of June he was able 
to join Northumberland off the Lizard. Out of 
the 250 men turned over from the Anne Royal 
to Pennington's flag-ship, the St. Andrew, 220 
deserted, and though 20 new gunners were pressed 
for service, not one put in an appearance. To 
such an extent was Pennington handicapped, 
that it was not until the I2th of June that he was 
able to set sail to the westward to join his 
Admiral. ' Never,' he wrote, had he been ' so 
troubled to get men since he went to sea.' 2 On 
the 5th of June Northumberland records that 
' we saw 13 sail that held in their course towards 
us for a while, and then stood off again, but 
they being to windward of us none of our ships 
could reach them.' The following day, however, 
the English fleet ' fetched them in,' when they 
proved to be Hamburgers and Flemings bound 
from St. Lucar to Dover. It afterwards trans- 
pired that at first they believed the English ships 
to be French men-of-war on account of the ' blue 
and white flags of our squadrons,' and had 

1 Except where otherwise stated, the whole of the opera- 
tions of the 1636 fleet is taken from Northumberland's own 
J ournal in the Domestic Stale Papers, Charles I, cccxliii. 72. 

2 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cccxxvi. 10. Several other ships, 
including the Repulse, Swallow, Assurance, and Mary Rose, 
Were also detained for the same reason. 


resolved to run their ships aground sooner than) 
fall into French hands. By the gth the English 
ships were ' half seas over betwixt Lands End 
and Stilly/ when intelligence was received that 
the French fleet were at Belle Isle. Northumber- 
land immediately shaped his course to meet it, 
but that same evening the wind began to blow 
hard from the north-west, and the English fleet 
were forced to ride it out all night. As a result 
they were driven ' easterly off Yarmouth/ and 
during the storm the Defiance spent her fore- 
top-mast. The following day the weather showed 
no signs of improvement, and owing to many of 
the fleet being in need of fresh water and ballast, 
it was resolved to make for Plymouth Sound. 
Here they anchored on the nth, but it con- 
tinued so tempestuous that the ship's boats 
could not stir to fetch either water or ballast till 
the i6th of the month. 1 Northumberland con- 
tinued to receive rumours concerning the French 
fleet ; and while at Plymouth he was informed 
that it had cruised towards Dunkirk. Putting 
on all sail he hurried up Channel in the hope of 
meeting it, but on arriving in the Downs on 
the 24th, he found that the report was false. 
Meanwhile the season for fishing in the King's 
seas and on the north coasts had begun, and the 
English fleet remained in the Downs till the 

1 The humorous side of the cruise is depicted by Viscount 
Conway in the Triumph, who, writing about this time, states 
that owing to the continual bad weather they could ' neither 
sleep nor eat quietly.' He goes on to state that one night 
while at supper ' a tumble of the ship flung all the dishes 
on the ground. Dowse let go the hold of a post to take up 
a shoulder of mutton, but his unsteady footing made him sit 
down on the sauce of one dish, with his feet in the buttered 
meat of another ' (Hist. MSS. Com., 14 ii, 35). 


of July, ' expecting directions for our 
northern voyage, and in providing pilots and 
other necessaries for the same.' The Lords of 
the Admiralty had prepared 100 licences signed 
by the King, with blanks for such busses and 
other fishing-boats ' as will take the same.' For 
the privilege of fishing in these seas, the foreigner 
in future was to obtain a licence, and Northumber- 
land was instructed to repair to the Holland 
fishing-fleet, and exact such duties as had been 
fixed (izd. a ton from each vessel that carried 
a licence), in acknowledgment of the King's 
' sovereignty and hereditary dominion in his 
seas/ In the event of a buss fishing without a 
licence, Northumberland was empowered to bring 
the vessel and fish into one of his Majesty's ports. 1 
Having received his instructions and ' other 
necessaries,' the Earl ' loosed ' from the Downs, 
shaping his course northward. By the 24th of 
July the fleet had reached ' about the height 
of Tynemouth,' when Northumberland resolved 
to call all the captains together in order that 
there should be no misunderstanding concerning 
the instructions that had been given to every 
one of them. Four days later the fleet arrived 

1 Northumberland MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., in. 72-3). 
The northern herring fishing was almost entirely monopolised 
by the Dutch. They kept 3000 busses at sea, and their 
catch of herrings on the English coast was reputed to amount 
to 1,000,000 a year (Clowes, ii. 72). During the first half 
of the i7th century their operations were carried on between 
the Shetlands and the Kentish coasj:. Their fleets sailed 
to the fishing-grounds in June and the autumn. From June 
24 to July 25 the fishery was carried on in the north ; from 
July 25 to September 14, south of Buchan Ness ; September 25 
to November 25, off the coast of Yarmouth ; November 25 to 
January 31, off the mouth of the Thames and the Kentish 
coast (Edmundson, Anglo-Dutch Rivalry, p. 160). 


at the fishing-grounds, where they found sixteen / 
sail of busses guarded by one of their own men-of- 
war. As soon as the Dutch discerned the English 
ships, they made from them ' with all the sail 
they could pack on/ and owing to their superior 
sailing qualities, Northumberland found it im- 
possible to fetch them up, with the exception of the 
man-of-war, which, from the first, was far astern. 
On the following day, the 29th, it was -decided 
to divide the fleet into three squadrons, in the 
hope that the busses would not find it so easy 
to elude their vigilance. Accordingly the Vice- 
Admiral's squadron was despatched to the north 
as high as Buchan Ness, while Mervin, the Rear- 
Admiral, was sent to the south as low as Flam- 
borough Head. Before departure it was impressed 
upon all the captains the necessity of using their 
best endeavours to make the Hollanders accept 
the licences. In the meantime Northumberland 
had arranged to ply to and fro between Buchan 
Ness and Flamborough Head for the same 
purpose. By the 5th of August his ships were 
off Aberdeen, and up to then they had only 
succeeded in distributing a few licences. Never- 
theless, he continued to beat off and on the coast 
till the 8th, and in the afternoon of the following 
day he was joined by his Vice- Admiral, Penning- 
ton, who was even less fortunate, having 
persuaded only three busses to accept the licences. 
On the loth the two squadrons passed to the 
south of the Firth of Forth, and on the following 
day they found themselves among a great fleet 
of about 200 fishing-boats, zealously guarded 
by five Dutch men-of-war. To Mervin, the Rear- 
Admiral, belonged the honour of discovering 
this fleet, and prior to Northumberland's arrival 
he had persuaded about thirty of them to accept 


the licences, and now the combined squadrons 
effected the distribution of 100 more. What 
ultimate success would have attended their 
efforts it is impossible to say, for on the morning 
of the 1 3th a sudden storm dispersed the English 
fleet, and the Triumph, Northumberland's flagship, 
was forced to make for Scarborough, where it 
was eventually joined by the rest of the fleet. 
The Earl now sailed for the Downs, and on the 
morning of the 2oth, a fleet of twenty sail was 
descried on the horizon. On coming up with 
them they proved to be Dutch men-of-war, and 
as soon as the English ' stood with them/ the 
Hollanders ' took in all their flags, struck their 
topsails, and every ship one after another saluted 
us with their guns, which we answered.' These 
formalities over, the Dutch Admiral, Van Dorp, 
came aboard the Triumph to explain the purpose 
of his presence, which was to prevent the licences 
being forced upon his countrymen. His dismay 
when he learned that the English fleet had already 
effected their mission, can better be imagined 
than described, and it was unfortunate for Van 
Dorp that he had received his instructions too 
late to render assistance. Two days later 
Northumberland arrived in the Downs, and 
remained there for some time while his ships 
were revictualled. At the end of August he 
despatched three or four of the fleet to the west, 
to ply along the coast between Lands End and 
Scilly, and pursue all ' Turks ' and other pirates 
infesting those parts, the King desiring that his 
subjects in the western counties might ' take 
knowledge of his care of them, and find the benefit 
of his fleet at sea.' The satisfactory result of 
Northumberland's cruise among the Dutch fish- 
ing-fleet stimulated the King to further action, 


and he therefore resolved to send the Earl to // 
the east coast on a similar mission. Accordingly, 
on the 1 6th of September, having taken in most 
of their provisions, the fleet ' loosed from the 
Downs ' with a fair wind, and anchored in Yar- 
mouth Roads on the i8th. Here it remained 
till the 22nd, getting pilots and other necessaries, 
when information was received that some 
Hollanders were cruising outside the roadstead. 
The fleet thereupon weighed, and ' stood off 
to sea/ but failed to find any trace of them. 
Their vigilance, however, was soon rewarded, 
for on the 28th a fleet of fifty sail of busses and 
two or three men-of-war were descried to wind- 
ward. The Earl immediately set sail, and while 
following the Hollanders, which ' would not 
come near them,' they ran into a larger fleet of 
sixty sail, guarded by three men-of-war. Northum- 
berland records that ' when we came amongst 
them, we let fall our anchors, and made their 
men-of-war do so too.' Following on this ' all 
the busses came about us ' ; but it was found 
that most of them had formerly taken licences, 
and such as were unprovided agreed to accept 
them. The distribution of these occupied 
Northumberland till the 5th of October, by which 
time he had begun to despair of giving out any 
more, so the fleet made for Yarmouth, where it 
arrived on the following day. From Yarmouth 
the ships were dispersed to their various bases, 
and on the 25th of October Mainwaring brought 
the Unicorn into Portsmouth, having received 
orders to revictual his ship for the winter guard 
of the sea. 1 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cccxxxiv. 30 ; dxxxvi. ; November 


Though the second ship-money fleet accom- 
plished little more than its predecessor, its 
presence had the salutary effect of keeping the 
French out of the Channel. This in itself was 
enough to justify the existence of a regular fleet, 
and Charles was now determined that, ' sooner 
than surrender his dominion of the sea, he would 
give up England itself.' * In furtherance of 
this policy the third ship-money writ was issued 
on the gth of October. 

There were many defects both in the personnel 
and the materiel of the second ship-money fleet, 
and it stands to the credit of Northumberland 2 
that he used his best endeavours to remedy 
them for the succeeding fleets. He was young 
and full of zeal for the King's service, and had 
carefully noted the abuses and defects that 
flourished in the fleet of 1636. Soon after coming 
ashore he drew up a statement, and embodied 
the same in thirteen articles for presentation to 
the King. The points to which he drew the 
King's attention were 3 : 

1. Divers of your Majesty's ships are so old and 
decayed that the repair of them is a great and continual 
charge, and the ships are able to do little service. 

2. The girdling of some of your Majesty's ships and 
taking away their galleries will add much to their force. 

3. The leakiness of so many of his Majesty's ships 
and illness of their masts must proceed from some 

4. That all his Majesty's ships are furnished with 
much ill cordage. 

1 Gardiner, viii. 158. 

2 Algernon Percy, loth Earl of Northumberland, born 
1602, Lord High Admiral 1638, died 1668. 

3 Hollond's Discourse (Navy Rec. Soc.), ed. by Dr. 
J. R. Tanner, pp. 376-87. 


5. The making mean men press-masters doth occasion 
many abuses. 

6. Laying in six months' victual is very incommodious. 

7. Much of the victuals naught and short in the 

8. The want of a treasurer very inconvenient to all 
the fleet. 

9. The paymaster refuseth to pay men turned over 
from other ships, if they bring not tickets from the 
ships where they have first served. 

10. The paymaster will pay no tickets but to the 
parties themselves unto whom the money is due. 

11. If the paymaster have it in his power to refuse 
whom he will, he may draw men to what composition 
he pleaseth. 

12. Great sums are owing to the Chest. 1 

13. That 2s. in the pound is usually abated upon all 
such moneys as are lent to supply the poor men's wants 
upon any occasion. 

The truth of these articles was fully testified 
to by the various officers serving under Northum- 
berland, and a court of inquiry was held, which 
examined Pennington, Mervin, and Mainwaring 
among others. It was generally agreed that 
several of the King's ships were very much decayed, 
unfit to be repaired, and of little use. The 
most serviceable were the Assurance, Adventure, 
Black George, Defiance, and Repulse. The St. 
Denis, Dreadnought, and divers others, the wit- 
nesses stated, were not worth the charge bestowed 
on them. Two of the fleet, the Repulse and 
Defiance, being so old, were not able to bear out 
their lower tier of ordnance in any weather. 2 

Mainwaring's evidence is still preserved, and 
is headed: 'Concerning those articles sent down 

1 I.e., the Chatham Chest : founded by Sir John Hawkins 
and Drake for disabled seamen. 

2 Hollond's Discourse, pp. 362-6. 


by the Lord-General, my opinion and knowledge 
is as f olloweth ' * : 

To the first my opinion hath been long, and is still, 
which is likewise the opinion of the ablest seamen we have, 
that it were better husbandry for his Majesty to build 
new ships in the room of the old that are decayed, rather 
than to patch them up, which, as we had experience 
this voyage, proved dangerous and unserviceable. 

To the second, concerning girdling, I think I know it 
fit to be applied to all his Majesty's ships that are tender 
sided, to some more, to some less, as the quality of their 
defect will require, the experience whereof I had this 
voyage in the Unicorn, which being a ship condemned 
as unserviceable for not bearing, being girdled only 
with 3, 4, and 5 inch plank, 7 strakes, is now as stiff a 
ship to bear sail as I think any is in the kingdom. As for 
galleries, I am utterly against such as are exorbitant, as the 
Triumph's now are, and the George and St. Andrew were, 
but being as they are now reformed, I hold them a great 
ornament to the ship without board, a great con- 
veniency within board, and no prejudice to the quality 
or sailing of the ship, nor any danger in fighting, being 
galleries by reason they are not pitched, but seared 
and painted, are not so apt to fire as the chain wales, 
or other parts of the ship that are pitched. 

To the third for the leaking, we had very good 
experience to his Majesty's great disservice this voyage ; 
that divers ships were sent in by reason of their leaki- 
ness, and so all the charge the King was at in setting 
them out was lost, and the fleet so much the weaker by 
their absence, the fault must needs be in the negligence 
of the caulkers, or carpenters, who were to oversee them. 

To the fifth, I never saw a ship so meanly manned 
as the Unicorn was when she came from Chatham to 
the Hope, scarce a seafaring man except the officers; 
men of poor and wretched person, without clothes, 

1 Brit. Museum, Add. MS., 9294, ff. 489-91, and S.P. 
Dom., Charles I, cccxxxviii. 39. One account supplements the 


or ability of body, tradesmen, some that were never 
at sea a thatcher, glover, or the like, 1 who these men 
did affirm, that in the same place there were store of 
sufficient seamen, which the press-masters refused or 
dispensed with, so that I can impute the ill manning of 
our ships to the ill choice of men in that service ; the 
inconveniency to his Majesty's service is more apparent 
in losing conduct money, in loss of the service of his 
ships whilst they stay to be re-mended in the river. 

To the sixth, that four months' victual for the service 
of the Narrow Seas laid in at the first, whereof at the most 
there should be but one month dry salted, the rest in 
repacked pickle, and the other two months meat new 
killed and packed would be very wholesome for the 
company, and good of the service. 

To the seventh, concerning the victuals, I have had many 
complaints this voyage, and much ado with my company. 
There was in the Unicorn much bad victuals, as appears 
by the certificate of the officers of that ship, who are 
to give account of the victuals on behalf of the company, 
who testify that of the first six months' victuals all the 
dry salted beef proved very bad, which was for four 
months, and that it was without reason so to victual, 
for it was white and blue mouldy, not fitting to be spent 
but on necessity. The pickled beef was very faulty, 
because it was not repickled from the bloody pickle, 
except ten hogsheads, which being repickled proved 
well. Two or three hogsheads of pease were 'faulty. 
One hogshead of pork stank. Both the ling and 
haberdine z was very bad, so that there was little or 

1 Captain Carteret stated that in his ship, the Entrance, 
out of a crew of 150, not more than twelve besides the officers 
could take the helm. In Raleigh's day the same difficulty 
was experienced, and owing to the bribery prevalent among 
the press-masters, it became a proverb among seafaring 
men, ' that the muster-masters do carry the best and ablest 
men in their pockets' (Works, viii, 346). 

2 Mervin in the James reported that about 300 lings were 
so corrupt that they tainted the hold and were thrown over- 
board (Hollond, pp. 382-3). Haberdine was sun-dried cod. 


none of it dressed all the voyage, except the two first 
months, for when it was boiled the men would not 
eat it, but threw it overboard. The bread was some 
of it old, some new, mingled together. The second 
victualling for one month, which was taken in at the 
Downs, proved well. 1 

To the eighth, I conceive it a very necessary thing 
for the service of his Majesty, in preserving the company 
in health, to have one or more treasurers in a fleet who 
may issue out money to the sick, who for want of money, 
and their own, which they have served for, we must 
either keep aboard, or turn ashore in great danger of 
starving, or not to be received into any house, so that I 
have seen some die upon the strand for lack of relief. 
Also, that men who have served long, and their clothes 
worn out, may have some part of their money to furnish 
them, the want thereof this last voyage some of the best 
men daily fell sick, or are not able to stand to their labour 
upon the decks, or to keep their watches in the winter. 
That by paying discharged men the King saves conduct 
money. And it is requisite to have money to pay for 
ballast and other petty charges, the want whereof is a 
great discommodity. 

To the rest I cannot answer anything, for they are 
out of my knowledge, being I have not lately been 
employed in his Majesty's service, and so was not at 
my pay, nor know the manner of their proceedings in 
that way. 


That the Lords of the Admiralty were greatly 
incensed by Northumberland's action is shown 
in a letter of the latter to Strafford, in which he 
writes : ' The Lords Commissioners are not well 
pleased at my proceedings, because I did not first 

1 The surgeon of the Unicorn, William Thorp, certified 
that the musty bread sent aboard ' caused a soreness of the 
mouths and throats of the crew,' sixteen or seventeen of 
them being affected at the same time. 


acquaint them with these things ; I suppose 
that they think, that these things passing for some 
years unquestioned may be imputed to a negligence 
in them.' 1 

Even in those days the country suffered 
from the effects of officialdom, for on the 7th of 
February 1637 Northumberland again wrote to 
Strafford : ' The slackness in punishing the offen- 
ders hath made them so insolent that they now 
justify those facts, which hitherto they have 
tacitly committed. This hath brought me to a 
resolution not to trouble myself any more with 
endeavouring a reformation, unless I be com- 
manded to it.' 2 

However, on the i6th of March the King, with 
the Lords of the Admiralty, considered the 
evidence in council, at which Northumberland 
was present. Although measures were recom- 
mended for remedying the abuses, the only point 
on which the council appear to have agreed 
was with regard to the paymaster ; this official 
they decided should not in future ' abate or take 
to himself two shillings of the pound of the 
seamen's wages for collecting any money for the 
creditors.' 3 

1 Strafford, Letters, ii. p. 40. a Ibid., ii. p. 49. 

8 Hollond, pp. 403-4. 




WHILE Charles was discussing with his Council 
and the Lords of the Admiralty the serious 
charges raised by Northumberland, preparations 
for the third ship-money fleet were in active 
progress. Earlier in the year it had been estimated 
that the total sum due under the writs would 
amount to 210,600, and that the resulting ships 
would number 45. Of these, it was proposed 
that 28 should be fitted out for the guard of the 
coast, and 6 for an expedition against the pirates 
of Sallee. The remainder of the money was to be 
expended thus : (i) Repairs to ships, 24,000 ; 
(2) for the continuance of ships at sea beyond 
eight months, 6,000 ; (3) for reimbursing the 
overplus paid out of the Exchequer in 1636, 
30,000 ; (4) repairs of forts, castles, etc., 5,000 ; 
(5) towards preparations for 1638, i3,45g. 1 

For three successive years the tax had now 
been levied, and in February 1637 Charles 
sent to have the opinion of the judges on the 
legality of the impost. 2 Their answer, delivered 
a few days later, was entirely favourable to 
the King's ambitions. 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cccxliii. 15, January 5, 1637. 
* Ibid., cccxlvi. n. 


1637-1642 THE SHIP-MONEY FLEETS 253 

We are of opinion [they informed Charles] that 
when the good and safety of the kingdom in general 
is concerned, and the, whole kingdom in danger, your 
Majesty may by writ under the great Seal of England 
command all the subjects of this kingdom at their 
charge to provide and furnish such number of ships, with 
men, victual, and munition, and for such time as your 
Majesty shall think fit for the defence and safeguard 
of the kingdom. 1 

Though it may be argued that we were not 
actually engaged in hostile operations at the 
time, and that therefore the safety of the king- 
dom was not imperilled by the dangers of invasion, 
there is no knowing what the powerful French 
and Dutch fleets, which were afloat, would have 
done had they found us unprepared on sea. 
Having satisfied himself as to the legality of 
ship-money, Charles therefore persisted in his 
policy that a powerful navy was both desirable 
and necessary for preserving the safety of the 
kingdom and protecting its commerce, besides 
being a valuable diplomatic asset. To this end 
a fleet comprising 19 ships of the Royal Navy 
and 9 armed merchantmen was ordered to 
assemble in the Downs, and was placed under 
the command of the Earl of Northumberland 
as before. The ships and their captains are set 
forth in the list on pp. 254-5. 

From this list it will be seen that Main- 
waring was again commissioned to the Unicorn 
of 46 guns ; but on proceeding to join her at 
Chatham at the end of March, he found that the 
officers of the ordnance had a ' design to take 
six principal pieces of ordnance from her.' The 
reason for their action is not quite clear, and may 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cccxlvi. 14, February 7, 1636-7. 


' A List of his Majesty's Fleet set forth for guard 
of the coast for eight months from the 2Oth of 
April, 1637, to the 2Oth of December following.' 1 





Triumph . 



Earl of Northumber- 

land, Admiral. 

Swiftsure . 



Sir J. Pennington, 

Vice- Admiral. 




Sir H. Mervin, Rear- 





Sir H. Main waring. 




Capt. John Povey up 

till September, 

afterwards Captain 

Walter Stewart. 

Henrietta Maria 



Captain Thomas 

Kettleby and 

Captain David 

Murray successively. 

Rainbow . 



Captain Povey. 2 

Vanguard . 



Captain John Mennes. 

St. George 



Captain David 





Captain Richard 





Captain Henry 

Stradling and 

Captain Thomas 

Kirke successively. 

Mary Rose 



Captain Lewis Kirke 

and Captain 

Thomas Trench- 

field successively. 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccclxxxviii, 72, and Pipe Office, 
Declared Accounts, 2278. 

* After September, probably in succession to Captain 






ist Whelp . 



Captain Richard 

Donnell and 

Captain Robert 

Slingsby succes- 


2nd Whelp 



Captain Phillip Hill. 

5th Whelp . 



Captain Edward 





Mr. Thomas Rabnett, 


Roebuck . 



Mr. Ruben Broad, 


Swan Frigate 



Henry Dunning. 

Nicodemus Fri- 



Captain Richard 



Merchant ships : Unicorn, Industry, Mayflower, 

Richard and Mary, Pleiades, Margaret, William, 

Royal Prudence, Defence. 

have been due to Pennington reporting her 
crank and tender sided, though Edward Boate, 
the keeper of naval stores, believed it to have 
been ' an act of malice/ which he requested 
should be put a stop to. 1 As nothing further is 
heard of the matter, it is to be presumed that the 
intention of the ordnance officers was frustrated, 
and that she sailed with her full armament. 

On the T_5th of April Northumberland received 
his commission as ' Admiral, Gustos maris, and 
General of all our forces, for this present intended 
service ' ; z and by the 20th of the month nearly 

X Blank in the original. 

1 Cat. S.P. Dom., Charles I, March 28, 1637. 

2 Northumberland MSS., p. 74. 


all the fleet had ' entered into sea victuals/ 
Though Pennington was again appointed Vice- 
Admiral, the Lords of the Admiralty were un- 
decided in their selection of a Rear- Admiral. 
The choice lay between Sir Henry Mervin and 
Mainwaring, and up till the last week in May 
the matter was still unsettled. On the 22nd 
of that month Pennington wrote to Nicholas 
that he was told ' Sir Henry Mainwaring rides 
yet Rear- Admiral/ and that he would be glad 
to know who should have the place. 1 At what 
date the decision was arrived at is not known, 
but Mervin eventually received the command 
and hoisted his flag in the Bonaventure. In 
the meantime Northumberland was detained 
by not having his ' despatch from court/ so 
Pennington was instructed to cruise in the 
Channel with a number of ships ; while Captain 
Stradling in the Dreadnought received orders to 
repair to the west with a whelp and a pinnace for 
the ' securing of those coasts/ On the 2nd of 
May Pennington reported the Dutch Admiral, 
Van Dorp, sailing between Dunkirk and the 
Downs in command of 20 stout men-of-war, 
and at the beginning of June Stradling was in 
action with 4 sail of Dutchmen homeward bound 
from Brazil. He had ordered them to strike 
to the King's ships, a request which the Admiral 
and Vice-Admiral complied with. The Rear- 
Admiral, however, refused to strike his flag, and 
Stradling, in accordance with his instructions, 
boarded him, and eventually lodged the Dutch- 
man in Plymouth Fort, where he was detained 
for a fortnight, until a satisfactory explanation 
was forthcoming. 2 On the jih of June Northum- 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cccliv. in ii ; ccclvii. 25. 
z Ibid., ccclxi. 41. 


berland came aboard the Triumph, which was 
then riding in Tilbury Hope in company with 
six others of the fleet ; and eight days later he 
joined his Vice- Admiral in the Downs. There 
the fleet remained in a state of inactivity till 
the end of the month, and even then its only 
employment consisted of convoying the Elector 
Palatine over to Holland. For this purpose 
the whole fleet weighed from the Downs on the 
29th of June, but they were hardly clear of the 
North Foreland when a sudden gale was en- 
countered, which ' carried by the board ' the 
main and mizzen top masts of the St. George. 
By the afternoon of the 3oth they ' made the 
coast of Holland,' and anchored about 3 or 4. 
leagues off the entrance to Goree, while the 
Vanguard and the St. George escorted the Elector 
into Helvoetsluys amid salutes from the rest 
of the ships. This mission being accomplished, 
the fleet shaped its course for the Downs. At 
sunset on Sunday, July 2, Northumberland 
records, ' we had sight of a high land which we 
conceived to be Calais cliffs/ l and to avoid 
coming near the shore in the night, the fleet 
tacked about. On the following day the ships 
anchored in Dover Road, coming into the Downs 
with the next morning's tide. There they re- 
mained from the 4th of July till the gth of August. 
No foe was to be found, and with the exception 
of employing ships for the transportation of 
ambassadors and others, and going with convoys 
to various places, Northumberland's fleet played 
a watching game. To the Earl these trifling 
employments did not appeal, and on the I5th of 

1 Northumberland's Journal, 1637 (in S.P. Dom., Charles 
I, ccclxxii. 93). Except where otherwise stated, the whole 
of the proceedings of the 1637 fleet are taken from this Journal. 


July he wrote to Straff ord from aboard the 
Triumph in the Downs, expressing his dissatis- 
faction : ' To ride in this place at anchor a whole 
summer together without hope of action, to see 
daily disorders in the fleet, and not have means to 
remedy them, and to be in an employment where 
a man can neither do service to the State, gain 
honour to himself, nor do courtesies for his 
friends, is a condition that I think nobody will be 
ambitious of.' 1 

By this time the season for fishing in the 
King's seas had commenced, and Northumberland 
was instructed to send one of his ships to the 
north, for the purpose of distributing licences 
to the Dutch fishermen, who in return for accept- 
ing them were promised protection against the 
Dunkirk privateers. 2 About the middle of July, 
Captain Fielding in the merchant ship Unicorn 
was commissioned for this duty, and on the i8th 
of the month he arrived among the busses off 
Buchan Ness. The fulfilment of his mission 
was impossible from the first. At the fishing- 
grounds he found as many as six or seven hundred 
busses, zealously guarded by twenty-three of their 
own men-of-war, and an attempt to distribute 
the licences was strongly opposed by the Dutch 
Admiral, who refused to let any boat pass among 
the fishermen. Fielding, therefore, had no alter- 
native but to return with his mission unaccom- 
plished. At the beginning of August, Northum- 
berland, for want of better employment, was 
ordered to sail to the westward, and on the Qth 

1 Straff ord, Letters, ii. p. 84. 

2 ' The state of the negotiations with France, and other 
causes,' prevented the King from renewing his enterprise 
against the Dutch fishery on the same scale as the previous 
year (Fulton, p. 319). 


of the month he weighed from the Downs, cruising 
down Channel towards Lands End. 1 Consider- 
ing the time of the year, the weather was of the 
worst, and on the I3th the fleet were forced to 
anchor in Torbay, where, Northumberland records, 
' the foulness of the weather held us all that day 
and the next.' On the I5th the fleet passed 
close to Plymouth, anchoring at night off the 
Start. The next morning it blew a hard gale, 
and the weather was so thick, that some of the 
ships fell foul of one another, but eventually 
they managed to anchor in Plymouth Sound 
about eight o'clock in the evening. Here they were 
forced to remain till the 24th, when, ' with a 
bare wind,' the Earl states, ' we got forth to 
sea ; but in the evening, the leeward tide being 
come, we stood in for Plymouth again.' The 
same unsettled conditions prevailed till the 28th, 
when the ' wind coming fair,' the fleet weighed 
and passed in sight of the Lizard towards the 
west. At night the weather again became 
' thick and gusty,' and in consequence, Northum- 
berland states, ' we handed 2 all our sails and 
so drove.' On the 30th, the 'wind being changed 
and overblowing,' the fleet bore up for Plymouth 
and there anchored. Here Northumberland 
awaited further despatches from Court, but as 
they were delayed, and his victuals were running 
short, he decided to sail for the Downs. With 
a very hard gale of wind the fleet succeeded in 

1 Seven ships were left in the Downs for service there. 
Prior to this, the Mary Rose and the Roebuck had been sent 
with a supply to Rainsborough before Sallee, and the Fifth 
Whelp had been wrecked, so the fleet during the westward 
cruise consisted of nine King's ships (Northumberland's 
Journal) . 

3 Handed, i.e., furled. 


reaching Beachy Head on the 3rd of September, 
anchoring in the Downs on the following day. 
Here the cruise of the third ship-money fleet 
ended, and Northumberland was informed that 
' His Majesty, taking notice that victuals in the 
fleet are near at an end, and considering the foul- 
ness of the weather, is pleased to give you leave 
to return to his presence, as soon as you have 
given order for the Winter Guard of the Seas.' l 

The sailors, like Northumberland, were no 
doubt heartily glad to be quit of their charge, 
for during the western cruise it is recorded that 
they scarcely saw a sail, with the exception of 
those ' of the poor fishers that dwell upon this 
shore.' 2 The ships to form the Winter Guard 
were left to Northumberland's choice, and were 
to be under the command of Sir John Pennington, 
' among which His Majesty ' was ' well contented 
that Sir Henry Mainwaring's should be one.' 3 
Accordingly, the Unicorn was victualled for further 
service, and on the iyth of October Mainwaring 
received orders to sail for Dieppe to bring over 
the French Ambassador, M. Pomponne de 
Bellievre. The outward voyage was safely accom- 
plished, but the return journey was not without 
incident, and owing to the tempestuous weather, 
Mainwaring was ' much put to it,' losing his 
pinnace, also an anchor and a cable, before 
he was able to make Dover roadstead. Severe 
as the buffeting was, the Unicorn, which three 
years previous had proved unseaworthy, managed 
to land the Ambassador and his suite at Dover 
on the night of the 25th, but the four French 
vessels laden with the Ambassador's belongings, 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccclxvii. 38. 

2 Ibid., ccclxvii. i. 

3 Ibid., ccclxvii. 38. The other ships were the Swiftsure, 
Bonaventure, First Whelp, Second Whelp, and Greyhound. 


which left Dieppe at the same time, were not 
so fortunate, only one of their number reaching 
Dover. Of the others, one put into Hastings, 
while the other two turned back. M. de Bellievre, 
naturally alarmed, feared that he had lost plate, 
jewels, and money to the value of 30,000, and 
Pennington ordered the Second Whelp over to 
Dieppe to ascertain what had happened, but 
for a whole fortnight, in spite of the endeavours 
of her captain (who was repeatedly driven back), 
she was weather-bound at Dover. 1 

On the 2nd of December Mainwaring brought 
the Unicorn into Chatham, and his commission 
ended thirteen days later. 2 

The fleets that resulted from the levy of ship- 
money had up to now not met with serious 
opposition, and in consequence many who were 
called upon to maintain their share of the tax 
were loth to forget the faults of its inception. 
Nevertheless, the presence of a regular fleet in 
the Channel had exerted a silent pressure on 
both the Dutch and the French, and had brought 
about a feeling of security to the Kingdom. 
' Methinks we have a very great calm both of 
the French and Dutch/ wrote that staunch 
seaman Pennington, 3 and the moral effect of the 
fleet on both these nations was certainly borne 
out by subsequent events. 

For maintaining the welfare of the State 
no unprejudiced person can afhrm that a powerful 
fleet was not a necessity, but when the writs 
were sent out for a fourth time, early in 1638, 
the collection was accompanied by more general 
dissatisfaction than had previously prevailed. 4 
The writs called for 70,000, but the response 

1 5.P. Dom., Charles I, ccclxx. 64. 

2 Ibid., ccclxxiii. 10. 3 Ibid., ccclxxxv. 65. 

* Gardiner, viii. pp. 269-70 ; Cal. S.P., 1637-8, pref. ix. 


represented a figure far below that sum, though 
the machinery for collecting the tax had attained 
its perfect working order. 1 In spite of this 
opposition, a fleet of 24 King's ships and 7 
merchantmen was ordered to be ready by the 
2Oth of April, and owing to the illness of the Earl 
of Northumberland they were placed under the 
command of Sir John Pennington. Earlier in 
the year Mainwaring had been confined to his 
bed through a fall from his horse, though fortu- 
nately he had sufficiently recovered by the end 
of April to take his place in the fleet. The 
Unicorn not being refitted in time, he was com- 
missioned to the Charles, a ship of 44 guns, built 
in 1632. As will be seen from the following list, 
the fleet was considerably stronger than that of 
the previous year. 

'A List of his Majesty's ships that are to be 
employed at Sea, Anno 1638.' 2 




St. Andrew 
Victory . 
Charles . 


Sir John Pennington, 
Sir Henry Mervin, Rear- 
Sir Henry Mainwaring. 

1 Cal. S.P., 1637-8, pref. vii. By September 1639 the 
amount received for 1638 was 41,161. The arrears for the 
previous years then stood at 1635, 4,536 ; 1636, 7,181 ; 
1637, 2O >9 2 4 (S.P. Dom., ccccxxviii. 41). 

* S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccclxxxvi. 99 ; ccclxxxix. 86 ; 
Pipe Office, Declared Accounts, 2280. The Sovereign of the 
Seas was inserted in the list, but she was not ready in time. 
The Convertive was substituted for the Antelope. In addition 
to the above there Were seven merchant ships, one of which, 
the Confident, Was commanded by William Batten, the famous 
admiral of the Civil War. While commissioned to this ship 
he received 6s. 8d. per day (P.O. Accounts, 2280). 





St. George 


John Newcombe, 

Lieutenant. 1 

Constant Reforma- 


John Povey. 




John Mennes. 

St. Denis 


Thomas Kirke. 



Henry Stradling. 



David Murray. 



Richard Fogge. 


George Carteret. 



John Hall. 



Robert Slingsb}^. 



Edmond Seaman. 

ist Whelp l . 


6th Whelp . 


Richard Burlev. 


8th Whelp . 


Richard Donnell. 

loth Whelp . 


Robert Foxe. 



Abraham Wheeler. 

Roebuck l 




Francis Simonds. 



Anthony Woolward. 

Fortune Pink 


William Pett. 

Mary Rose 

Thomas Trenchfield. 

The activities of the fleet were even more 
limited than in the previous years. In May, two 
merchant ships, the Providence and Mayflower, 
were employed to transport gunpowder to 
Dunkirk, and Pennington was ordered to stand 
over with the whole fleet towards that place 
and give them safe convoy. This may seem to 
have been a trivial employment for such a large 
fleet as Pennington's, but the salutary effect its 

1 I have been unable to find out who commanded the 
St. George, 1st Whelp, or Roebuck. 


presence had on the Dutch is clearly shown by 
the fact, that though over 14 States men-of-war 
were in the roadstead, the English commander 
was able to report that he had passed through 
the blockade and seen the merchantmen safely 
anchored under the fort at Dunkirk. On the 
8th of June the whole fleet arrived back in the 
Downs without meeting with any opposition, a 
circumstance of which Pennington was naturally 
proud. 1 At the beginning of August, on an 
alarm occasioned by the presence of ' Turkish ' 
pirates on the Dorset coast, the Leopard and 
a merchant ship were sent to those parts. So 
well did they do their work that by the end of 
the month there was no sign of the ' Turks,' 
and the English ships were reported to have 
' at least freed the coast of them.' As a pre- 
ventive against further raids, the Tenth Whelp 
and the Greyhound were also despatched to 
the west, with orders to cruise there for six weeks. 2 
In the meantime the troubles in Scotland had 
reached an acute stage. 3 It was known that the 
Scots were shipping large supplies of arms and 
ammunition from Rotterdam and Bremen, and 
to intercept these the services of the fleet were 
requisitioned. On the nth of August Pennington 
sent two of his ships to lie off the mouth of the 
Maas, with instructions to search all ships of 
Holland and the Low Countries that were bound 
to the northward. At the same time the Entrance 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cccxcii. 40. 

* Ibid., cccxcvii. 93. 

a The ' National Covenant ' had been signed at Edin- 
burgh in the early part of 1638, and in the winter following a 
General Assembly was held at Glasgow at which Prelacy was 
abolished and Presbyterianism restored (Dodd, Covenanters, 
PP- 30-33)- 


and the Providence were ordered to cruise off 
the coast of Scotland and intercept all manner 
of warlike material. 1 

These were the only employments of the 
fourth ship-money fleet, and Mainwaring for his 
services this year was remunerated at the rate 
of 8s. a day. 2 

At the time his commission ceased a post 
happened to be vacant in which his technical 
knowledge and skill would have been of the 
highest value to the State. This was the Surveyor- 
ship of the Navy, rendered vacant by the death 
of Kenrick Edisbury, who had held the office 
since 1632 in succession to Sir Thomas Aylesbury. 
It was a department in which Mainwaring had 
already been employed, for it will be remembered 
that during the proceedings of the Special Com- 
mission of 1626, he had undertaken the Surveyor's 
duties, and the thoroughness with which he 
discharged them eminently fitted him as a 
successor to Edisbury. To possess an expert 
knowledge on all things that pertained to the 
welfare of the Navy generally was not, however, 
in those days counted as the primary qualifica- 
tion for the post, and the prospect of securing it 
depended solely on the length of a man's purse. 
Though it was reported to be ' a troublesome 
place,' and the purchase price i5oo, 3 applicants 
were numerous. Mainwaring, being unable to 
raise the necessary money, was one of the un- 
successful candidates, the post being eventually 
granted to Captain (afterwards Sir) William 
Batten, a record of whose appointment is con- 
tained in the following extract from a letter of 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cccxcvii. 93. 

2 Pipe Office, Declared Accounts, 2280. 

3 Monson's Tracts (Churchill's Voyages, iii. 339) . 


Northumberland's secretary, Thomas Smith, to 
Pennington. 1 

On Sunday last Captain Batten kissed his Majesty's 
hand for the Surveyor's place. His patent is drawing 
during pleasure only, as all patents must be hereafter. 
Here has been much striving for the place, Sir Henry 
Mainwaring, Captain Duppa, Mr. Bucke, cum multis 
aliis ; but the King, with the help of somebody else, 
thought him the fittest man. 

Clarendon describes Batten as ' an obscure 
man, unknown to the Navy/ and the mysterious 
' somebody else ' alluded to in the letter con- 
firms Clarendon's other statement that Batten 
was ' made Surveyor for money.' 2 

During the autumn of 1638 the usual ship- 
money writs for the following year's fleet did 
not appear. In view of the serious state of 
affairs in Scotland it was thought wiser to decrease 
the amount of the writs, which were conse- 
quently not issued till January 1639. Even 
then the sum demanded only amounted to about 
a third of that levied on previous occasions, 
but it was estimated that this would be sufficient 
for the fitting out of 19 ships, which were intended 
for a service quite different from that of the 
previous fleets. The Marquis of Hamilton, High 
Commissioner for Scotland, who had been sent 
by Charles to endeavour to bring about a settle- 

1 S.P. Dom., cccxcviii. 113. The post was also offered 
to Pennington, and Smith informed him that if he had ' a 
stomach to it ... I will be cook to make ready that dish 
for you.' 

8 Clarendon Rebellion, 1826, ii. p. 340. Batten was not 
quite so obscure as he is represented. An hitherto unnoticed 
reference shows that he was sufficiently worthy to be entrusted 
with the command of a merchant ship in the fleet of 1638. 
(See p. 262, note.) 


ment with the Covenanters, had hopelessly failed 
in his mission, and in the November of 1638 
he informed the King that the only way to crush 
the rebellion was to blockade Scotland and cut 
off its commerce by sea. Hamilton realised 
what a powerful weapon the King had at his 
disposal, and he believed that the situation might 
be solved by the silent pressure of sea-power if 
he could only persuade the King to accept his 
views. He therefore ventured to unfold his plan 
of campaign to Charles. 

Their being is by trade [he wrote], whereof a few 
ships of your Majesty's, well disposed, will easily bar 
them. ... In my opinion your ships would be best 
ordered thus, eight or ten to be in the Firth. There 
should be some three or four plying to and again betwixt 
the Firth and Aberdeen, so long as the season of the 
year will permit them to keep the seas, and when they 
are no longer able, they may retire into the Firth. 1 

The ships that were in the Irish Sea, Hamilton 
believed, would be sufficient to intercept all 
trading vessels from the west of Scotland. Charles 
eagerly seized on this suggestion, and a fleet was 
immediately ordered to be prepared. At the 
same time the King decided to raise an army of 
30,000 horse, and lead them in person towards 
Scotland. To cover the concentration of this 
large army on the borders it was proposed to 
hold Berwick and Carlisle. 2 

This, then, was the plan of campaign, and in 
February 1639 * ne choice of competent com- 
manders for the ships was under careful 
consideration. The seriousness of the situation 
was fully recognised by the Lords of the Admiralty, 

1 Hardwicke, State Papers, ii. 118. 

2 Burnet, Dukes oj Hamilton, 113 ; Gardiner, ix. p. I. 


and, in the words of Northumberland's secretary, 
they were ' troubled whom to choose for a Vice- 
Admiral. 1 I desire a little of your advice herein/ 
he wrote to Pennington, ' as being a business of 
great consideration, for now sea-captains must 
not expect to play as they have done heretofore, 
but must look for such times of action as will 
require commanders of skill, courage, and 
fidelity.' 2 

One of his reasons in writing to Pennington 
is to be found in the fact that Sir Henry Mervin, 
who had sailed as Rear-Admiral in the last 
three fleets, had ' given in his resolution ' to 
Northumberland not to accept a command in 
that of 1639. At this news, we are informed, 
the Earl was ' very well contented,' and Northum- 
berland's secretary expressed the opinion that 
he believed Mervin would not come into the fleet 
again in haste. 3 Whatever advice Pennington 
offered his chief, it must have been in the nature 
of a strong recommendation of Mainwaring. He 
was certainly a commander who fulfilled in a 
high degree all the essentials required of a seaman, 
' skill, courage, and fidelity,' and in March he 
was appointed Pennington's Vice-Admiral, with 
his flag in the Henrietta Maria. 4 The full list of 

the fleet is here given : 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccccxiii. 56. 

* Ibid. It will be remembered that two years previous 
there had been some talk of superseding Mervin by Mainwaring. 
Mervin claimed the Admiralty of the Narrow Seas, and in 
February 1639 ne was suing the King for 1000, or 500 per 
annum for seven years, for which sum he stated he would 
relinquish his claim. Northumberland's secretary (Thomas 
Smith) informed Pennington that he believed he would get 
nothing (ibid.). 

3 Ibid. 

* Ibid., ccccxv. 105. 



Rainbow . . . Sir John Pennington, Admiral. 

Henrietta Maria . . Sir Henry Mainwaring, Vice- 


Vanguard . . . John Povey, Rear- Admiral. 

Unicorn . . . David Murray * 

Victory . . . John Mennes. 

Leopard . . . George Carteret. 

James . . . Richard Fogge. 

Providence . . . Edmond Seaman. 

Antelope . . . Henry Stradling. 

Mary Rose . . . Thomas Price. 

Dreadnought . . John Hall. 

Expedition . . . Robert Slingsby. 

Greyhound . . . Abraham Wheeler. 

Bonaventure. . . Richard Fielding. 

Roebuck . . . Anthony Woolward. 

2nd Whelp . . . Richard Burley. 

3rd Whelp . . . Philip Hill. 

8th Whelp . . . Robert Foxe. 

Unicorn . . . Edward Popham. 

In March, Pennington and Mainwaring with 
eight King's ships were ordered north. At 
Harwich there were 20 transports with 5000 
soldiers under the command of Hamilton, and 
the English Admiral was instructed to call there 
and convoy them to the Firth of Forth. By the 
29th of April the fleet and transports appeared 
off Berwick, which had been entered that day 
by strong forces under the commands of the Earls 
of Lindsey and Essex respectively. On the 2nd 
of May the English ships anchored safely in Leith 
Roads. The arrival of Pennington's fleet was 

1 Pipe Office, Declared, Accounts, 2282 ; S.P. Dom., 
Charles I, ccccxii. 20 ; Peter White's Account. 

2 Capt. Murray commanded the Rainbow during July and 
August, when Pennington transferred his flag to the Unicorn. 


viewed with apprehension by the Scots, and the 
damage which it afterwards inflicted on their 
commerce did not tend to minimise their dis- 
comfort. The first thing to be done was to 
dispose of the troops, and on the 4th and 5th 
of the month they were landed on two islands 
(Inchkeith and Inchcolm), ' to exercise them in 
the use of their arms/ So well did the Navy do 
its work that by the 22nd Pennington was able 
to report that they had 

done a very great service by making a diversion. The 
Scots durst not draw any men from these parts, but 
have been forced to keep continual guards night and 
day on both sides of the Firth, for fear we should 
land and burn their towns. Besides, we have so blocked 
them up by sea that they cannot stir in or out with a 
boat but we snap them, which does infinitely perplex 
and trouble them more than all the King's army. 1 

In order that the blockade should be complete, 
the Dreadnought, Greyhound, gth Whelp, and 
some smaller vessels were sent from Dublin ' to 
watch Scotland on the other side/ 2 thus com- 
pleting the plan of campaign as suggested by 

That the duties which the fleet were carrying 
out were of a particularly arduous nature, and 
called for constant vigilance both on the part of 
the captains and the men, is shown by the fact 
that Pennington wrote that he was ' so tired out 
with a multitude of business both night and 
day ' that he had ' neither time to eat, drink, 
or sleep/ 3 

In the meanwhile the army was not inactive, 
and on the 3ist of the month Coke wrote to 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccccxxi. 128. 

* Ibid., ccccxxi. 142. * Ibid., ccccxxi. 128. 


Mainwaring from Berwick, ordering him to proceed 
to Newcastle, and take aboard the Henrietta 
Maria various Scotchmen who had been detained 
as prisoners. 

To my honourable friend Sir Henry Mainwaring, 
Knight, &C. 1 

It is his Majesty's pleasure that you take into your 
custody aboard your ship the persons mentioned in 
this paper, and dispose of them in such sort as his Majesty 
shall be pleased to direct. 

The names of the Scottishmen to be received by 

Lieut. -Colonel Milles. John Sibett, Sergeant. 

Captain Carr. David Belly. 

John Hamilton. William Admiston. 

Robert Hamilton. 2 Peter Hamilton. 6 

Mr. James Home. 3 Andrew Ramsey. 

David Donaldson. Alexander Wallace, 

Alexander Penniwick. 4 servant to Lieut. -Colonel 

Alexander Dixon. Milles. 

George Home. 4 John Graunt. 

Hans Hofler. 5 George Peeker. 

Captain Primrose. 5 John Rough. 5 
George Buchanan. 

(Signed) JOHN COKE. 
Berwick, the last day of May 1639. 

The following day the Earl of Arundel informed 
Windebank that the King was sending divers 
Scotch officers and soldiers, lately stayed by 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccccxxii. 114. 

2 Marked ' discharged at Berwick, being never aboard.' 

3 Marked ' discharged by warrant by the Earl of Arundel, 
June i.' 

4 Ibid., June 4. 

5 Marked ' discharged by my Lord Marquess in the Frith, 
never aboard.' 

6 ' Discharged to Sir James Hamilton.' 


the Marquis of Hamilton, to be embarked in the 
ship commanded by Sir Henry Mainwaring, who 
was to make for the Hope, and to ride there 
till he received further orders. During the voyage 
to Newcastle Mainwaring met with rough weather, 
and in consequence the Henrietta Maria had the 
misfortune to lose her foremast before she anchored 
off that town on the 6th of June. How this diffi- 
culty was temporarily overcome is described in 
the following letter to Pennington. 1 

SIR, For all the stories of Berwick I wrote not to 
you because you had by word of mouth from those who 
know you a perfect relation. With my jury mast, 
which is my foretop-mast, set upon the stump of my 
foremast some 8 foot from the deck the ship works very 
well, and I have fitted to my main stay a mizzen sail, 
which by quartering did us good service. 

I came to an anchor before the bar of Newcastle 
the 6th of this month, and have taken in the Scotch 
officers and followers about the number of 30, which 
I am to deliver into the hands of Secretary Windebank. 
The Shallop I left at Berwick with the governor, because 
I am commanded to return hither with all speed. 

Though I have not your commands to London, 
I shall not fail to study wherein I may do you service, 
which I shall perform faithfully and affectionately.- 

I am, 
Your affectionate friend and servant, 

The Shields, this 7 of June. 

On the nth Mainwaring with his charges 
arrived at Gravesend, and during the short 
time they were in his company he seems to 
have found them a great nuisance, so much so, 
that he wrote to Windebank the same day, asking 
him to forward instructions for their removal. 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccccxxiii. 51. 


His letter, which is directed to ' the Right Honour- 
able Sir Francis Windebank, Knight, his Majesty's 
Principal Secretary at Drury Lane/ and super- 
inscribed ' hast these hast hast/ is here repro- 
duced. 1 

RIGHT HONOURABLE, By order from his Majesty, 
signified under the warrant of the Earl of Arundel, his 
Excellency General of his Majesty's Army, I have brought 
with me from Newcastle, 31 Scottish commanders and 
other soldiers delivered over by the Mayor of that place. 
And also from Berwick eleven delivered me by the Earl 
of Lindsey there, which I received by warrant from 
Mr. Secretary Coke. The copy whereof I have herewith 
sent your Honour with a declaration what is become 
of some included in that note, which are not brought 
by me, to show you how they were disposed of. I am 
commanded to address myself to your Honour for 
order what to do with them, which I humbly desire 
to receive with as much expedition as shall seem fit 
unto you, for I am not very fond of their company, they 
being a great trouble and charge to me. I have warrant 
to press boats or barges to bring them to you, or if it 
please your Honour to direct any other way, how I 
may be discharged of them, I shall either land them at 
the place you shall appoint, and in such sort, as you 
think fit as prisoners, with a guard or otherwise, or in 
any other way be ready to obey your commands for the 
discharge of them, as becometh one who most earnestly 
desireth to be esteemed 

Your honour's most humble servant, 

From on board his Majesty's Ship the Henrietta Maria, 
at anchor a little below Gravesend, this n June, 1639. 

I think fit to acquaint your honour that the tide 
of flood will serve very well about I of the clock in 
the afternoon to-morrow, being the I2th, to bring away 

1 S. P. Dom., Charles I, ccccxxiii. 78. 


the Scotchmen for London, therefore I humbly desire 
to know your honour's resolution early in the morning. 

A prompt answer not being forthcoming, 
Mainwaring wrote again two days later, this 
time in somewhat sharper tones. In this letter, 
which was composed at 3 o'clock in the morning, 
he stated that while the Scotchmen were with 
him he was unable to see to the refitting and 
victualling of the ship. 1 

RIGHT HONOURABLE, I wrote to you by packet, 
dated the nth of this month, concerning divers Scottish 
officers and others, in all to the number of 42, which I 
was appointed by the Lord-General the Earl of Arundel 
to deliver to your Honour. I humbly desire that since 
I have had them on board me this long time to my great 
charge and trouble, that you will be pleased to discharge 
me of them, by sending for them, or else to order that 
they may be delivered on shore to the Mayor of 
Gravesend, the rather for that I have a new fore-mast 
to set, and a bowsprit ; to be revictualled, doctored, 
and other businesses concerning the ship to despatch 
with all speed, to return to his Majesty as he commanded 
me, and whilst they are here we can do nothing. It 
makes me doubt your Honour hath not received my 
letter, that being not farther distant than 20 miles, you 
have not vouchsafed an answer to 

Your honour's most humble servant, 


From aboard his Majesty's Ship the Henrietta Maria, 
this 13 of June at 3 of the morning, 1639. 

Eventually the prisoners were sent to London, 
but on the treaty of peace being signed at Berwick 
on the i8th they were all liberated. 2 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccccxxiii. 94. 
* Ibid., ccccxxiv. 47, 78. The exact date on which they 
were embarked is not recorded. 


A week later Pennington, who was still 
with the fleet off Leith, was ordered to convoy 
the transports with the troops back to Harwich, 
and then to make for the Downs with all diligence. 1 
The reason for his hurried recall was owing to 
the presence of a powerful Dutch squadron in 
the Channel, and on the evening of the 7th of 
July he arrived in the Downs, where he was 
joined by Mainwaring on the following day. 2 
After a stay of about a fortnight in which to 
refit, the fleet put to sea again. During the 
short time Pennington had been in the Rainbow 
he found her very unserviceable. She was 
' tender sided/ he reported, ' and her lower tier 
of guns were too near the water,' so he trans- 
ferred his flag to the Unicorn, while Mainwaring 
remained in the Henrietta Maria. 3 The King 
having received complaints from the merchants 
' of many insolencies committed upon them in his 
own seas/ Pennington was instructed to cruise 
to the westward to prevent the like disorders, 
' that trade may be kept open. It is most 
requisite/ wrote Northumberland, ' that some 
course be taken to preserve his Majesty's sove- 
reignty at sea, which, by our own^ remissness, has 
been of late so much encroached upon by our 
neighbours/ * 

No sooner had the fleet sailed than it was 
confronted with the serious problem of finding 
a Dutch squadron of 30 sail cruising off 
Portland. 5 The freedom of the Channel as a 
means of getting reinforcements and supplies 
to her garrisons in Flanders meant everything 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccccxxiv. 60. 

2 Ibid., ccccxxv. 36. 3 Ibid., ccccxxv. 88 i. 

4 Ibid., Nos. 72, 76. 

5 Ibid., ccccxxv. 88 ; ccccxxvi. 28. 


to Spain. During the early part of the year, 
English ships had been chartered to transport 
men from Spain to Dunkirk ; and for the purpose 
of intercepting these vessels, Tromp, the Dutch 
Admiral, was lying in wait. 1 In the summer of 
1639 the Spaniards had gathered together a 
huge armada, consisting of 67 large ships and 
galleons, with 25,000 seamen to man them, 
transporting at the same time 12,000 soldiers. 
Their supposed mission was to dislodge the 
Dutch ships before Dunkirk ; but by some it was 
believed that their destination was England. 2 
The command of this formidable fleet was given to 
Don Antonio de Oquendo, and on the 26th of 
August he sailed from Corunna. By the ist 
of September the Spaniards were reported off 
Plymouth, and we can believe that the thoughts 
of many of the inhabitants went back ' to the 
day when Drake and Hawkins finished their 
game of bowls on the Hoe.' 3 The following 
day William Wislade, master of the Hopewell, 
of Southampton, reported them off the Start. 
He records that ' he came out of Dartmouth, 
and about 6 o'clock at night off the Start saw 
70 sail, whereof 40 or more were great ships, 
and that the Admiral was a very great and 
warlike ship.' 4 In the meantime Tromp's Vice- 
Admiral, de With, had been despatched with 
17 men-of-war to intercept the Spaniards, and 
on the 6th he came up with Oquendo. Though 
hopelessly outclassed in point of numbers, de 
With kept up a running fight, during which one 

1 Gardiner, ix. p. 57 ; S.P. Dom., ccccxxvii. 81, Tromp to 

2 Sir W. Penn, Life, i, App. E, No. 2. 

3 Gardiner, ix. p. 59. 

4 S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccccxxviii. 21 ii. 


of his ships was blown up by accident. At 
night the wind shifted, and ' came to the S.W. 
fair weather/ The Spaniards in consequence 
were forced to ' lay all night by the lee/ and 
until after noon the following day, before they 
could fit themselves, being then driven between 
Beachy Head and Fairlight. Mainwaring, who 
had received instructions to cruise between Beachy 
and Dungeness with six ships, having been roused 
by the sound of firing, came up with Oquendo's 
armada on the 7th. After a hurried council 
aboard the Henrietta Maria, he resolved to send 
Captain John Hall of the Dreadnought to the 
Spanish admiral, to command him to strike his 
flag to the King's ships. Hall was courteously 
received by Oquendo, who related to him par- 
ticulars of the previous day's fight ; but when 
the English captain announced the purpose of 
his mission, the Spanish admiral was indignant, 
and returned a message to the effect ' that he 
did expect to have as much freedom in the English 
seas as his master did give unto our King's 
ships in his harbours, which was to wear their 
flag,' and therefore he refused to strike. Such 
an argument, however, carried little weight with 
a seaman who was no friend to Spain, and on 
Hall's return Mainwaring immediately took steps 
to enforce the English claim. ' A fair shot at 
the Admiral ' had the desired effect, for both 
he and his Vice- Admiral struck their flags, ' and 
hoist them up again/ which, we are informed, 
' was as much as could be required of them in 
the sea/ 1 The Spaniards now steered along 

1 From a rare tract by Peter White, one of the Masters 
in the English fleet, entitled, ' A memorable sea fight . . . 
narrative of the principal passages which were transacted 
in the Downes in 1639.' London, 1649. 


to the eastward, the Hollanders continually 
running before them ' with a short sail/ x After 
the incident with Oquendo, Mainwaring shaped 
his course for the Downs, and despatched his 
lieutenant to Pennington with the following 
letter 2 : 

SIR, Because I suppose the notice of the Spanish 
fleets arrival in these parts is of importance for you 
to take knowledge off, with divers passages concerning 
the Hollanders and them, with what past betwixt them 
and us (whereof to relate the particulars in writing would 
be to hinder the expedition of this intelligence), I have 
(because the tide and wind did not serve for a ship), 
sent my pinnace with my lieutenant, who can relate 
to you all the passages, and the certificate of all the 
captains and masters, concerning their opinions of 
what was done under their hands, hoping you will like 
it well. And so for the present, having nothing else to 
advertise you of, and loth to lose time, I take my leave, 
and rest 

Your affectionate friend and servant, 


From on board the Henrietta Maria this 7 of September 
at 3 in the afternoon, The Ness, N.N.E. 3 leagues. 

I intend to be fo-morrow betwixt Folkestone 3 and 
Dover to expect my pinnace, and to stand off and on 
during the time limited. 

Tromp, who was at Dunkirk, had heard the 
firing, and on the 8th he joined de With with 
15 ships. Between one and two o'clock in 
the morning, the combined Dutch squadrons 
attacked Oquendo in the Straits of Dover. 4 

1 Peter White's Account. 

- S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccccxxviii. 38. 
3 MS. Fowlstone. 

* S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccccxxviii. 52. 


The attack was successful, and during the fight 
three Spanish galleons were sunk and one captured. 
Before nightfall the Spaniards had exhausted 
all their powder, and were forced to take shelter 
in the Downs, with Tromp following hard on 
their heels. Oquendo met with as cold a welcome 
from Pennington as he had received at the 
hands of Mainwaring. On entering the road- 
stead he was made to haul down the Spanish 
flag, while Tromp was informed that no hostilities 
would be permitted there, and that he must 
keep to the southern part of the anchorage, 
the Spaniards being assigned the northern part. 1 

On the I2th Northumberland wrote to Pen- 
nington approving of the discretion and care 
shown to the rival fleets, but desiring him ' still to 
have a watchful eye upon them/ and to give 
him ' advertisement from time to time of all 
that shall occur in this affair/ 2 The very day 
that this letter was penned, the Spanish admiral, 
having the best of the anchorage, despatched 
under cover of night fourteen of his smaller 
vessels to Dunkirk with troops. Incensed at 
this action, Tromp appealed to the King, and on 
the i6th Pennington was informed that 

a complaint has been made unto the King, that before 
the fourteen sail of Spaniards stole away, the Holland 
admiral would have placed some ships towards the 
North Foreland, to prevent the Spaniards going away 
in the night, but that you refused to suffer him, engaging 
your word to him that none of the Spanish fleet should 
slip away in the night. 3 

Whatever Pennington may have promised, 
it is difficult to see how he could have prevented 

1 Gardiner, ix. 60. z S.P. Doni., ccccxxviii. 66. 

3 Ibid., ccccxxviii. 93. 


any action of the Spaniards in this direction, 
for at the time there were only ten ships under 
his command, besides sundry merchantmen that 
happened to be in the Downs. 1 After this 
event there followed one of the most humiliating 
episodes in our naval history, Charles offering 
the protection of the English fleet to whichever 
party was the highest bidder. 

On the I5th the Spaniards were informed 
that for the sum of 150,000 their ships would 
be placed in safety. The money, however, was 
not forthcoming, though the Spaniards purchased 
English gunpowder at 2s. a pound to the extent 
of 500 barrels. As a solatium Charles received 
5000, and the Earl of Newport, Master of the 
Ordnance, 1000, besides the value of the powder. 2 
On the 23rd Pennington issued instructions that 
if either of the two fleets should presume to 
attempt ' anything here in the King's Chamber, 
contrary to the laws and customs .of nations/ 
the English vessels were to fall upon them, and 
to do their best ' to take, sink, or destroy them.' 8 
Three days later Mainwaring was sent aboard 
Tromp's flagship to demand satisfaction for 
the behaviour of a Dutch captain, ' that did 

1 Peter White's Account, p. 9. The fleet consisted of 
Unicorn, Sir J. Pennington ; Henrietta Maria, Sir H. 
Mainwaring ; Antelope, Captain Stradling (Rear- Admiral) ; 
Bonaventure, Captain Fielding ; Dreadnought, Captain Hall ; 
Providence, Captain Slingsby ; Second Whelp, Captain 
Burley ; Third Whelp, Captain P. Hill ; Roebuck, pinnace, 
Mr. Woolward ; Unicorn, merchantman, Captain E. Popham. 
On the I5th ten English merchantmen were stayed in the 
Downs by warrant from Pennington (ibid., p. 15). 

2 S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccccxxviii. 113 ; Gardiner, ix. p. 61. 
The Spaniards pretended that the want of powder was the 
sole cause of their long delay, whereupon Tromp offered them 
500 barrels at the usual rate, which they refused (Sidney 
Papers, ii. 612). s S.P. Dom., ccccxxix. 15. 


presume to wear his Majesty's colours ' in the 
roadstead, and had taken two ' catches ' 1 full of 
Spanish soldiers. Meanwhile, Tromp had been 
reinforced from Holland by the welcome addition 
of fireships, and the fleet under his command 
numbered about eighty sail. The patience of 
the Dutch seamen was now nearly exhausted. 
Pennington himself saw that the spark might 
be kindled at any moment, and his crew would 
have been hard put to it if called upon to assist 
the Spanish fleet. He therefore resolved to 
ask Northumberland for more precise instruc- 
tions. To this end a despatch signed by himself, 
Mainwaring, and six others was sent to the King 
and the Lord Admiral, asking how far they 
should ' proceed ' or ' engage ' themselves in 
the event of the rival fleets fighting in the road. 
The King, who happened to be at Windsor 
celebrating the feast of St. George, returned 
an answer to the effect that he would return 
fxT London in four days' time, when he would 
appoint a day for both fleets to leave. 2 This 
message Pennington was requested to convey 
to the Dutch admiral, the King being confident 
that no act of hostility would be committed in 
the meantime. To Tromp this was welcome 
news, and on being informed of the King's resolve 
he ' rejoiced and wished that time were come.' 3 
To the English commander, however, Charles' 
instructions were puzzling and contradictory. 
At first he had instructed Pennington to enforce 
the neutrality of the roadstead, and now, on 
the 8th of October, he ordered him 

to send to the Spanish admiral to inform yourself in 
what state they are to defend themselves, and to resist 

' I.e., Ketches. White's Account, p. 24. 

White's Account, pp. 39-41. 3 Ibid., p. 41. 


the great force of Hollanders which now threatens them. 
If when the Hollanders assault the others you see the 
Spaniards defend themselves so well, that with the 
help of those few ships that are with you they shall 
be able to make their party good, which the King upon 
the report of some is well inclined to believe, then you 
are to give them your best assistance, otherwise you must 
make as handsome a retreat as you can in so unlucky 
a business. 1 

Though it cannot be denied that the English 
fleet were involved in an ' unlucky business/ 
its commanders had no intention of carrying 
into effect the latter portion of these instruc- 
tions. Pennington and Mainwaring were certainly 
not the type of men who, even in the face of 
overwhelming odds, would have been content 
to make ' a handsome retreat,' and the same 
splendid spirit no doubt animated the rest of 
the fleet. Two days after receiving these instruc- 
tions, thirty ships laden with men and provisions 
reached Oquendo from Dunkirk, and prepara- 
tions were made to take aboard the 500 barrels 
of gunpowder that he had purchased. 2 Tromp 
now saw it was time to strike a decisive blow. 
For this purpose he ordered his pinnace to be 
got ready, and sailed with it through the Spanish 
fleet. What he had no doubt foreseen happened ; 
the Spaniards, angered at the sight of the pinnace, 
shot a hole through her foresail, excusing them- 
selves on the ground that they believed it to be 
a fireship. The next day one of the Dutch 
seamen was shot dead with a musket. This 
was enough. Tromp reminded Pennington that 
the King had promised his aid against whichever 
party fired the first shot. He pointed out that 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccccxxx. 47. 
* Ibid., ccccxxx. 77. 


the neutrality of the road had been twice in- 
fringed, and ' if/ he informed Pennington, ' you 
will not follow the King's order by helping us, 
we expect, at least, that you will let us go . on 
against our enemy and fight with him.' * After 
this polite but emphatic request, Tromp seized 
a favourable opportunity while powder was being 
brought on board Oquendo's fleet on the evening 
of the loth, and decided to attack. Ere the 
morning fog had lifted, his fleet were under sail, 
and the roar of cannon across the water announced 
to the English commander that the battle had 
commenced in earnest. Pennington immediately 
summoned a council aboard his flagship, and 
although his ships were the ' leewardmost ' of 
all, and in danger from the fireships of the rival 
fleets, he afterwards succeeded in getting the 
' weather gage/ chasing and shooting at many 
of the Dutch ships and forcing them to take 
in their flags until clear of the Downs. 

The result of the action was disastrous to 
the Spaniards, and in a few hours the majority 
of their galleons were either burnt, sunk, or 
driven ashore. An account of the battle was 
subsequently drawn up by Pennington, Main- 
waring, and the other officers for presentation 
to Northumberland, and as it has never been 
printed verbatim before, we cannot do better 
than give it here 2 : 

The Spaniards being berthed altogether in the best 
of the road, the Hollanders without them to the east- 
ward and northward, and the King's ships to the south- 
ward. About eight in the morning, the wind being at 
north-west, the Hollanders were all on sudden under 
sail ; whereupon our Admiral called a council. We 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccccxxx. 80. 
8 Ibid., ccccxxx. 74. 


were no sooner aboard with him but we heard some 
shot betwixt the fleets, but which began we could not 
certainly know by reason of the fog, but as some of our 
men affirm, and by circumstances it is possible, it was the 
Hollanders gave the first occasion by weighing with their 
whole fleet, endeavouring to get the wind of them, and 
coming so near that they might justly expect their 
intentions to board them with their fireships. Our 
ships being all loose, we had not time to advise long, 
being at that time the last quarter flood. We all agreed 
that we being the leewardmost ships of all, by reason of 
the fog, the thickness of the ships together, and the 
smoke, we could neither avoid the being entangled (to 
a great disadvantage) betwixt the fleets, nor the danger 
of the fireships, nor yet assist the Spaniards, unless 
we stood to the northward to get the weather gage 
of them, which we did. At which tune the Holland 
admiral sent a captain aboard with a letter, which 
being in Dutch we understood not, but the captain, 
in the name of his admiral, made a protestation that 
they had not broke the peace, but the Spaniards, who 
begun with them. The fog was so thick that the ships 
could not see one the other, so that in an hour's time we 
heard few or no shot, neither was there very many shot 
in all. The weather clearing up a little, that we could 
see we had got the weather gage of them, we stood 
in again with the Hollanders, and shot many guns from 
all our ships, shooting many of them through, but they 
did not return one shot at us. We continued chasing 
and shooting at them till they were all out of the Downs, 
all beyond the South Foreland, neither did they put 
out their flags till [they] were all out of the Downs and 
a good way off, and then, seeing some Hollanders to the 
northward and eastward, we tacked and stood into 
the Downs again to prevent them that they should not 
fetch off those Spanish ships which were run on shore, 
being to the number of twenty-four, one of which was 
the Vice-Admiral, who did all willingly run on shore, 
save some of them which were forced to avoid the 
fireships which burnt out by them. In regard that 
the Spanish fleet was so much disabled by the loss of 


half their ships at the first onset, and the rest flying, we 
did not think fit to pursue them any farther, neither do 
we conceive that if his Majesty had at this time a force 
equal with the Hollanders it had been possible to prevent 
this action, seeing we were not to begin with them, 
whereby they might take their own time and best 
opportunity of wind and tide most for their advantage. 

This is a true relation of this day's action, which we 
Captains and Masters of his Majesty's fleet are ready to 
testify upon our oaths. 

As we were signing this we made stay of two 
Hollanders who had run on shore in the fog, between 
the two castles, who made many shot at them, who 
never returned any to them again. But considering, as 
is probable, that the Holland fleet will speedily come 
in again, and that we shall not be able to keep these 
by force if they require them, which we conceive will 
be a greater affront to his Majesty than what is past, 
if they should take them from us, we have therefore 
thought it convenient at this time to dismiss them. 


So complete was Tromp's victory over 
Oquendo's armada, which some six weeks earlier 
had set out for Dunkirk, that less than twenty 
ships reached their destination. For the crush- 
ing defeat of the Spaniards England had cause 
to thank the gallant Dutchmen. The supposi- 
tion that the armada was intended for our 
shores, and not for Flanders, was not groundless. 
The county of Kent had exhausted its arms 
in supplying trained bands on the borders ; 
and the governor of the Isle of Wight, who was 
supposed te be a Catholic, had shot away all 


his powder as a salvo at the drinking of healths, 
thus crippling the Island's chance of resistance 
against a foe. 1 

In December the fleet was paid off, and for 
services rendered this year, Pennington was 
remunerated at the rate of 405. a day, and Main- 
waring at 2os. a day. 2 

The means by which Charles contrived to 
fit out his fleets was yearly becoming a more 
difficult task. By 1640 the sheriffs in some 
parts of the country had almost despaired of 
collecting the money demanded by the ship- 
money writs. Against the organised resistance 
of the inhabitants they were powerless, and 
by the end of May less than a tenth of the sum 
required had been collected. In London the 
Lord Mayor, with the sheriffs and other city 
officers, made a house-to-house visit on a par- 
ticular day, ' but not above one paid.' 3 Before 
both Houses of Parliament, the Lord Keeper, 
Finch, explained that the King ' was not wedded 
to this particular way ' of fitting out a fleet, and 
if some other method could be devised for raising 
the necessary money, he was willing to commute 
the tax. 4 

In addition to the hostility which was shown 
to his personal government at home, the King 
found himself once again embroiled with a rebellion 
in Scotland. The treaty of Berwick was but a 

1 Gardiner, ix. p. 69. This peril was even more dangerous 
than that of 1588, the King of England being on the side of the 
invaders. Martin Harpertzoon Tromp, the heroic victor in 
thirty-three sea fights, was shot in his action with Monk, 
July 31, 1653. 

* S.P. Dom., Charles I, ccccxxxv. 76 ; 14 December 1639. 

3 Ibid., cccclvii. 36 ; Cal. S.P., 1640, pref. xliii-xliv. 

4 Gardiner, ix. 107. The Short Parliament met on April 
I3th and was dissolved three weeks later. 


few months old when both parties were accusing 
one another of violating its terms. 1 The King 
was determined never to abandon the cause of 
episcopacy in Scotland, and the Covenanters on 
their part refused to sanction bishops. In conse- 
quence, early in 1640, arrangements were in 
progress for raising an army to invade Scotland. 
The fleet was also ordered to be ready by the 
end of March, and, in spite of the growing dis- 
content, 21 ships were commissioned for sea, 
under the command of the trusty Pennington. 
The Admiral's ship was the James, of 875 tons, 
with a crew of 260 men, and carrying 48 guns, 
while Mainwaring was commissioned to the 
Charles, mounting 44 pieces of ordnance, with a 
crew of 250 men. 2 

Though the list (see p. 288) gives the name 
of Captain John Mennes as Vice-Admiral, his 
appointment must have been subsequently can- 
celled, for there is abundant proof that during 
the whole of 1640 he was attached to the King's 
army operating in the North. 3 Under these 
circumstances it is probable that Mainwaring 
again acted as Pennington's Vice-Admiral, but 
owing to the absence of documentary evidence 
on this point, it is impossible to state definitely 
whether this was so. 

The mission with which the Navy was 
entrusted was identical to that of the previous 

1 Gardiner, ix. 45. 

2 5.P. Dom., Charles I, ccccxlii. 55 ; ccccxliv. 8 ; cccclxiii. 45. 
8 It was not uncommon at this period to find naval captains 

filling the r61e of commanders in the army, or landsmen 
appointed to the command of men-of-war. In February 
1640 Mennes was ordered by Northumberland to raise and 
command a troop of carabineers, which troop he took to 
Newcastle in April, and continued with the army to the end 
of the year (S.P.Dom., ccccxlvi. 7; ccccli. 72; cccclxxi. 50). 



year, and on the I3th of April orders were given 
to make stay of all Scottish shipping that came 
into any parts of England, Ireland, and Wales. 
At the beginning of May some of the King's 
ships were cruising off the coast of Northumber- 






Sir John Pennington, Admiral. 

St. George 


John Mennes, Vice- Admiral. 

Swift sure 


John Povey, Rear-Admiral. 

Charles . 


Sir Henry Mainwaring. 



David Murray. 



Henry Stradling. 

Garland . 


Richard Fogge. 

Leopard . 

1 60 

Captain Fielding. 



Robert Slingsby. 


1 60 

Edward Popham. 



Richard Seaman. 

Mary Rose 


Thomas Price and Richard 

Swanley successively. 



Richard Hill. 

ist Whelp 


John Bargrave. 

2nd Whelp 


Robert Fox (from August i). 

3rd Whelp 


Robert Fox (up till August i). 

8th Whelp 


Anthony Wool ward. 

loth Whelp . 


Baldwin Wake. 



Abraham Wheeler. 

Roebuck . 


Thomas Rockwell. 



John Lambert. 

land for this purpose, and by the end of the 
month Captains Fielding and Stradling between 
them had captured six vessels laden with pro- 
visions and munitions of war, which were brought 
into Berwick. 1 While part of the fleet were thus 
engaged in a war against the maritime trade 

1 5. P. Dom., Charles I, ccccliii. 24, 54. 


of Scotland, the rest were cruising in the Downs 
protecting English merchantmen. The dangers 
that beset our merchant shipping were many, 
and those of the fleet that were detailed for 
convoy duty were instructed to give the mer- 
chants ' speedy convoy/ and ' not to leave them 
till they see them out of danger.' * It was not 
long before the Scotch began to realise what a 
serious menace was confronting them on sea. 
By the end of June their vessels were reported 
to be ' laid up and unrigged/ a state of things 
' which they much grudge at/ 2 Accordingly, a 
petition was sent to the King desiring ' the 
rendition of all ships ' that had been taken from 
the merchants of Scotland ; 3 but Charles was not 
in a frame of mind to consider it, and on the 
i8th of July it was decided to strengthen the 
English fleet in order that it should more 
effectually continue the campaign. For this 
purpose the Lords of the Admiralty ordered 
five merchant ships to be armed and placed under 
the command of Pennington. 4 By the end of the 
month eighty vessels with consignments for Scottish 
ports had been captured, and a contemporary 
records that the English fleet had so ' blocked 
up the seas ' that the Scots ' could have no 
trading/ Under these circumstances it is not 
surprising that they viewed the situation with 
alarm. Their petition to the King had remained 
unanswered, so now they ' publicly professed ' 
that if their shipping was not restored they 
would invade England. 5 In this respect they 
were as good as their word, and in August they 
crossed the Border, defeating the King's army 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cccclviii. 86. 

2 Ibid., No. 58. 3 Ibid., cccclvii. 37. 
4 Ibid., cccclx. 36. 6 Ibid., cccclxi. 81. 


near Newcastle on the 28th. On the 8th of 
September seventeen of the King's ships sailed into 
the Firth of Forth, and a week later two of 
them were sent to lie off the mouth of the Tyne, 
with instructions to hinder all trade while the 
rebels held Newcastle. 1 

Though up till now the fleet had accom- 
plished its work in an efficient and effective 
manner, its activity during the autumn was 
far from successful. Scottish vessels sailing from 
Sweden with much-needed supplies managed to 
elude their vigilance, and on the 3rd of October 
a prominent official wrote that the King's ships 
were doing ' little good upon the coast of 
Scotland,' and he ventured an opinion that it 
would be ' more credit to his Majesty to recall 
his ships than suffer them to remain to be laughed 
at.' 2 In spite of the presence of men-of-war 
off Tynemouth and elsewhere, Northumberland 
was informed that ' there had been the greatest 
commerce at Gottenburg with Scotland ever 
known.' 3 

Without a' powerful army and fleet, Charles 
could never have hoped to subdue the Scots, 
and the possibility of the failure of the campaign 
for want of financial assistance was apparent 
from the first. In July Northumberland had 
estimated that in order to maintain the land 
and sea forces till the end of October it would 
require a sum of 300,000, ' towards which,' 
he stated, ' we have not in cash nor in view 
above 20,000 at the most.' 4 Northumberland's 
cry for money was echoed by the King. ' If 
they send us none or too little,' he wrote, ' the 

1 S.P. Dom., Charles I, cccclxvii. 46, 76. 

"- Ibid., cccclxix. 25. 3 Ibid., cccclxix. 91. 

4 Camden Soc., 100, xxiii. 


rebels will beat us without striking stroke/ 1 
and his prognostication proved only too true. 
With the few troops that he commanded, un- 
disciplined and mutinous, and an impoverished 
exchequer, it was impossible to bring the war 
to a successful termination, and when the Scots 
seized Durham, the King was brought face to 
face with the fact that his campaign against 
them had failed. Before the end of October 
the fleet was back in the Downs, and a temporary 
truce was agreed on until such time as an English 
Parliament could be summoned to make a final 
settlement. 2 For this purpose the ' Long Parlia- 
ment ' met at Westminster on the 3rd of 
November, but the session was barely a month 
old when the legality of ship-money was vigorously 

The claim put forward by Charles to the 
Sovereignty of the Sea received little support 
from Parliament, and in January of the following 
year the Lords declared ship-money to be illegal. 
Nevertheless, preparations were in progress for 
the summer's fleet, and by June, Pennington, 
with 15 royal ships and 10 merchantmen, was 
in the Downs. Mainwaring, either on account 
of his advancing years or strong royalist principles, 
is not found among the list of captains. 3 The 

1 Camden Soc., 100, xxviii. 

2 Rait, Rels. between England and Scotland, p. 165. 

3 The fleet for 1641 consisted of the following : St. 
Andrew, Admiral Sir J. Pennington ; Rainbow, George 
Carteret, Vice-Admiral ; Victory, John Povey, Rear-Admiral ; 
Bonaventure, David Murray ; Garland, Richard Fogge ; 
Leopard, Richard Blyth ; Happy Entrance, Robert Slingsby ; 
Lion, Henry Stradling ; Mary Rose, Thomas Price (or Richard 
Swanley) ; Expedition, Richard Seaman ; Greyhound, 
Abraham Wheeler ; Providence, Philip Hill ; Roebuck, Thomas 
Rockwell ; Nicodemus, John Lambert ; Tenth Whelp, 


Bill that had been brought in to annul the 
proceedings relating to ship-money received the 
royal assent in August 1641, and Pennington 
with other captains who were known to be 
staunch supporters of the King were viewed 
with suspicion by the Parliament. In the case 
of national danger, when the country was at 
war, ship-money writs had been issued without 
opposition, but as soon as the King used the 
tax as a means whereby to support a regular 
fleet, it became unpopular. 

To keep pace with her rivals, the French 
and the Dutch, there is no doubt that England 
needed a powerful navy, but the money necessary 
for its maintenance was always lacking, and 
the King's efforts to carry out his naval pro- 
gramme, in spite of the most strenuous opposition, 
was one of the chief causes that brought about 
his own downfall. The King's naval ambitions 
were admirably set forth by the royalists in their 
arguments against the memorable remonstrance 
which the Commons made to the people in 1641. 
' A sure proof,' they said, ' that the King had 
formed no system for enslaving his people ' 
was to be found in the fact ' that the chief object 
in his government had been to raise a naval, not 
a military force ; a project useful, honourable, 
nay indispensably requisite, and in spite of his 
necessities, brought almost to a happy con- 
clusion.' 1 Certainly the benefits which Charles 
conferred on the country by the superior classes 

(Baldwin Wake ?) ; and ten merchant ships, Unicorn, Experi- 
ence, Leghorn Merchant, Honour, Mayflower, Thomas and Lucy, 
Paragon, Anne Percy, True Love, and Lucy (S.P. Dom., and 
Audit Office Declared Accounts, 1705, 87). 
1 Derrick, p. 68. 


of ships he built, and the fleets he organised, must 
be acknowledged by all. They proved to the 
world that the weapon which had been success- 
fully forged by Elizabeth could still be called 
upon to vindicate England's maritime supremacy 
in the hour of need, and such gallant seamen 
as Pennington, Mervin, and Mainwaring, among 
others, were no unworthy successors of the glorious 
days of Drake. 1 

In the spring of 1642, when the ships were 
being prepared for sea as in the previous years, 
Parliament took the precaution to remove all cap- 
tains who were suspected of royalist tendencies. 2 
A formal message was sent to the House of Lords, 
' that the Earl of Northumberland might be 
moved to constitute the Earl of Warwick his 
Admiral of the Fleet for that year's service, being 
a person of such honour and experience as they 
might safely confide in him/ The King, how- 
ever, was strongly in favour of Pennington, but 
Parliament stood firm for Warwick, and on the 
25th of March Pennington was sent for to be 
examined by a Committee of both Houses. 3 On 
the 2nd of July Warwick came aboard his 
flagship, the James, then in the Downs, and 
called on the various captains to accept him as 
their Admiral. With the exception of Sir John 

1 ' Little has been done,' wrote Admiral Colomb, ' towards 
elucidating the share which Charles' understanding of the 
naval conditions of the kingdom, and the want of under- 
standing on the part of his opposing subjects, may have had 
in producing the Civil War, but it seems to be certain that 
the chief part of the money question was a naval one ' (Naval 
Warfare, 1899, P- 3 1 )- 

2 A list of the fleet for 1642 is to be found in Sir W. Penn's 
Life, i. pp. 22-3. 

3 Commons Journal, ii. 497. 

*\ " 


Mennes, Richard Fogge, John Burley, Robert 
Slingsby, and Baldwin Wake, the Navy revolted 
in a body to the side of the Parliament, and these 
five captains were subsequently forced to sur- 
render their ships on not receiving the support 
of their crews. 1 

1 Clarendon, ii. pp. 333-6 



THOUGH deprived of his command afloat, Main- 
waring soon found other congenial employment. 
The sound knowledge and judgment he had 
displayed in all things that concerned the welfare 
of the Royal Navy and merchant shipping, was 
in no quarter more highly valued than at the 
meetings of the Brethren of the Trinity Jlouse. 1 
In 1642, by consent of the majority of the frater- 
nity, he was for the second time elected to the 
important post of Master. The election went 
by seniority, and before admittance to the office 
of Master it was necessary that a ' corporal oath ' 
should be taken before the wardens and assistants 
to the effect that from time to time, during his 
Mastership, he would faithfully and honourably 
execute the office of Master in all things pertaining 
to the same. Finally, he was bound to swear 
allegiance to the- sovereign. The oath duly 
administered, he was enrolled as Master for one 
whole year. 2 

Unfortunately, details concerning the history 

1 The Trinity House was in 1514, on recommendation 
of Sir Thomas Spert, granted a charter by Henry VIII. 

2 A copy of the oath is given in the Royal Charter of the 
Corporation, 1685, p. 113. 




of the Trinity House during the period in question 
are wanting, many of the documents relating 
to the Corporation having been destroyed in 
the great fire of 1666. But still, from the meagre 
details that are to hand, a few facts may be 
gleaned relative to Mainwaring's connection with 
this ancient fraternity, which is so closely allied 
with the early history of the Navy. 

Among the multifarious duties of the Trinity 
House at this period, the following may be noted. 
Upon them devolved one of the chief duties of the 
Naval constructor's department of the present day, 
and designs for new ships for the fleet were laid 
down by them ; while merchant vessels that 
were hired or purchased into the Navy were 
accepted or rejected according to their decision. 
Besides superintending the ship-building yard 
at Deptford, they were responsible for the 
victualling of the Navy, and the certifying of 
every piece of ordnance and ammunition that 
was placed aboard ship. In time of war, the 
equipment of every fleet that left our shores 
was under their especial jurisdiction. Pilots 
and masters for the King's ships received 
their certificates at the hands of Trinity House ; l 
while prize disputes and petitions of seamen 
were frequently referred to their judgment. In the 
work of this department Mainwaring had already 
been engaged many years. As early as July 
1627 hi s signature is attached to a document 
of the Corporation relating to a dispute between 
Humphrey Haines, merchant of the City of 
London, and Thomas King, mariner, concerning 
the division of a prize. The case had been 

1 Barrett, Trinity House, pp. 53-4. Besides these duties 
may be added those of erecting beacons, laying buoys, and 
impressing mariners when called upon. 


referred to the Trinity House by Sir Henry 
Marten, judge of the Admiralty, and on the 
26th of July they gave their opinion as follows. 
That Thomas King should have a part of the 
said prize, and ' such part of the third part as 
is proportionable according to the adventure 
which he bore in the said ship.' 1 In April 1629 
Mainwaring's name figures among others on a 
certificate' of the Trinity House regarding the 
amount of ordnance to be placed aboard the 
Trial of London 2 and the Jonas of Dysart, 8 asking 
that they should be furnished with ' six minions 
of cast-iron ordnance ' and ' six sakers and ten 
minions ' respectively. Earlier in the year Sir 
Kenelm Digby had returned from his famous 
privateering expedition in the Mediterranean, 4 
and as soon as he landed in England he was con- 
fronted with various lawsuits respecting the 
prizes he had taken. Finally he appealed to 
the Trinity House for their opinion as to ' what 
shares are due to such as went out of my voyage ; 
also to limit what shares do belong to me being 
commander.' The House answered on the 27th 
of June, 5 that ' there occurreth to us one pre- 
cedent that we conceive doth satisfy your 
question.' They then go on to cite the case of 

1 Trinity House, Court Minutes, 1626-35. I am indebted 
to the courtesy of the officials of Trinity House for permission 
to examine these. 

z S.P. Dom., Charles I, xvi. 148. Signed by Wm. Case, 
H. Mainwaring, Walter Coke, John Totton, etc., etc. 

3 Ibid., 147. MS. Dizart. 

4 He left England in December 1627, with two ships, 
The Eagle, of 400 tons (Captain Milborne), and the George 
and Elizabeth, 250 tons, commanded by Sir Edward Strad- 

6 Court Minutes, 1626-35. It is possible that Mainwaring 
was MaBter at the time, as his signature is first. 


Sir James Lancaster, 1 who having two ships 
under his command did take great purchase, 
and at his return home ' he had allotted him 
for his part two captain's shares, and had pre- 
sented unto him for an acknowledgment of his 
merit, one thousand pounds by the adventurers 
out of their parts of the goods.' 

In the following year, John Browne, founder 
of his Majesty's iron ordnance and shot, petitioned 
Lord Vere, Master of the Ordnance, concerning 
the restraint of small iron ordnance, called drake, 
to the King's particular service, the use of them 
being much desired by the King's subjects. This 
was in due course referred to the Trinity House, 
of which Mainwaring was Master at the time, with a 
request that if they recommended the use of drakes 
they were to set down their opinion in writing. 
On the 25th of November they informed Lord 
Vere of the convenience and use of drakes in 
merchant ships, going fully into the question, 
and stating ' that they which hinder the sale 
of drake to the King's subjects are ill advised.' 2 

During the years 1632 and 1633, as has been 
recorded, Mainwaring was engaged with others 
of the Trinity House in measuring the King's 
ships, and certifying as to the number of men 
and guns that were requisite for each, the original 
document drawn up by them being reproduced 
in a previous chapter. 3 In April 1632 Secretary 
Coke and the rest of the Commissioners of the 
Navy requested the opinion of the Trinity 
House as to the number of ships and men to 
be employed against the pirates of Algiers. 

1 Pioneer of the English trade with the East Indies ; died 

* Court Minutes. Browne's petition is also to be found in 
S.P. Dom., Charles I, clxxv. 97. 3 See p. 223. 


They replied on the i6th of the month (Main- 
waring's signature is second): 'We say 8 ships: 
4 of 500 tons, 4 of 400 tons.' Each of these 
ships fitly and fully furnished, they informed 
the Commissioners, would cost 6,000. The 
number of seamen they suggested for each ship 
was 140, and for armament they proposed 10 
whole culvereins, 10 demi-culvereins, 8 sakers, 
and 40 muskets for each ship. They concluded 
their report by stating, ' our opinion is to build, 
not to buy.' 1 Mainwaring's name is next met 
with on a certificate of the Corporation, dated 
6th of July 1633, relating to the Joseph of 
London, in which permission was asked to place 
aboard her ' 2 sakers, 5 minions, and 2 falcons.'. 2 
In 1634 the Lords of the Admiralty called in 
the aid of Trinity House to determine what 
steps could be taken to remedy the defects in 
the Unicorn, launched the previous year at 
Woolwich. Her keel measured 107 feet ; beam, 
36-4 feet ; depth, 15*1 feet. She mounted 46 
guns, and her gross tonnage was returned at 
823 tons. Pennington had reported that on 
joining her at Tilbury she was unable to carry 
sail, being so crank. 3 He found her dangerous 
and unserviceable, unable to work her guns, and 
stated that she would not live in a gale. Edward 
Boate was her shipwright, and Pennington, ' in 
regard to the poor man's disgrace that built 

1 Court Minutes. 

2 S.P. Dom., Charles I, xvii. 72. Signed by Wm. 
Raineborowe, H. Mainwaring, Ant. Tutchen, John Totton, 
and Jas. Hockett. 

3 ' We say a ship is crank-sided when she will bear but 
small sail and will lie down very much, with little Wind, 
the cauaft thereof is, that her breadth being laid too low, 



she hatrMothing to bear her up ' (Seaman's Diet., p. 30). 


her,' gave her a trial at sea ; the result of which 
he stated as above. 

Pennington, who was admiral for the guard 
of the Narrow Seas, joined the Unicorn as his 
flagship on the 30th of April 1634. His journal 
for the three following days gives an account of 
the unseaworthy condition of the ship. 

May i. We weighed and stood to and again in the 
River to try our ship, and found her so tender-sided that 
all our company affirmed she was not fit to go to sea, 
for she laid the ports of her lower tier under water, 
yet Captain Pett and Mr. Austin were of opinion that 
if she took in more ballast she might serve to lie in the 
Narrow Seas the summer season. 

May 2. We took in 100 tons of ballast, which brought 
her down some 4 or 6 inches below her breadth. 

May 3. Captain Pett and Mr. Austin left us, but Mr. 
Boate stayed behind to see what our ship would do. . . . 
Our ship stooped so much that we durst not open a port 
of our lower tier, for they were for the most part under 
water. 1 

The ports of the Unicorn were intended to 
be 5 feet above the water-line, but in reality 
they were only 3 feet 7 inches. Pett recom- 
mended to rip off the plank on each side 
ten strakes, and upon the bare timbers to bring 
on furs of timber, an operation which w r as known 
as furring or girdling her. According to Main- 
waring, this method was ' an infinite loss to 
owners, and a disgrace to all ships that are so 
handled. In all the world, ' he reported, 
' there are not so many ships furred as are in 
England.' z Mainwaring, with the Trinity House, 
was of the opinion that to remedy her defects 

1 Hist. MSS. Com., 10 iv. p. 283. 
* Seaman's Diet., p. 43. 


she should be cut down a deck lower. The 
Admiralty, however, would not hear of this, 
and the discussion ended in Pett's suggestion 
of girdling her being adopted, which increased 
her stiffness at the expense of her speed. 1 

In the same year, with ' Walter Coke, Ant. 
Tutchen, and Jonas James/ Mainwaring is found 
certifying that a merchant ship, being built at 
Aldeburgh in Suffolk, called the Squire of 
Aldeburgh, of 105 tons, should have ' 8 minions 
of cast-iron ordnance' laid aboard her. 2 

Of Mainwaring's second tenure of office as 
Master practically no documents exist that 
throw light on the doings of the Trinity House at 
this period. All we know is, that the Corporation 
was looked on with suspicion by the Parliament. 
On the 20 th of June 1642 an ordinance was 
passed in the Commons empowering Sir Robert 
Harley, Sir John Evelyn, Mr. Bence, and the 
citizens of London, to treat with the Trinity House 
for the loan of money ' for these great occasions.' 3 
What results attended their efforts is uncertain, 
but Parliament, knowing the risks to which 
they were exposed if they failed to enlist the 
sympathies of such a powerful body in their 
cause, removed, as a matter of precaution, any 
of the officials who were suspected of royalist 
tendencies. Mainwaring being among the latter 
category, the Commons on the gth of November 
passed the following resolution 4 : 

That Sir Henry Mainwaring be forthwith sent for 
as a Delinquent, by the Sergeant at Arms attending 
on this House. That this House holds it not fit, that 
Sir Henry Mainwaring should any longer continue 

1 Cal. S.P. Dom., Charles I, iyth July 1634. 

2 S.P. Dom., Charles I, xvii. 85. MS. Alborough. 

3 Commons Journals, ii. 633, 722. * Ibid., 841. 


Master of the Corporation of the Trinity House. That 
the Corporation of the Trinity House be informed forth- 
with to make election of a new Master of their Corpora- 
tion, and that the Lords' concurrence be desired. 

Two days later they added to their resolution 
a clause debarring Mainwaring from being one 
of the Brethren. 1 Who the person was that 
succeeded Mainwaring is not recorded, but Parlia- 
ment felt that for the safety of their cause the 
real danger could only be met by dissolving the 
charter of the Trinity House, which they did 
in 1647, the affairs being placed pro tempore 
in commission. 2 Whether Mainwaring was 
actually arrested under the order of the House 
is not known. Possibly like others he took to 
flight, for on the outbreak of the Civil War he 
took the field in support of the King, and when the 
royalist forces withdrew to Oxford at the end 
of November he is found among their ranks. 
For a number of months Oxford remained the 
royal headquarters, and during the King's sojourn 
there, Mainwaring, on the 3ist of January 1643, 
was honoured by the University with the degree 
of Doctor of Physic. 3 

A considerable time now elapses before Main- 
waring, like many other royalists, is heard of 
again. One thing, however, is certain, that he 
remained in England during these troublesome 
times. As a sailor he had little chance of a 
command in an army where there were ten 
applicants for every post. Advancing years un- 
fitted him for service in a subordinate rank, and 
it is unlikely that he took part in the various 
marches and vicissitudes of the main army under 

1 Commons Journals, ii. 844. 2 Barrett, pp. 74-6. 

3 Wood, Athenae Oxon., ed. Bliss, IV ii. p. 48. 


Charles, which culminated on the 20th of 
September in the indecisive battle of Newbury. 
In the following year a copy of Mainwaring's 
' Nomenclator Navalis ' was brought to light, 
and Parliament being in possession of the fleet, 
it is not surprising that its worth should have 
been recognised. It was accordingly printed, 
and the high value placed on the information 
it contained may be judged from the imprimatur 
on the title page, which stated that it was 
conceived to be very ' fit to be at this time 
imprinted for the good of the Republic.' 

The book was entered in the registers of the 
Stationers' Company I3th of March 1644, and 
after being duly licensed by John Booker, 1 was 
sold by ' John Bellamy at the sign of the three 
golden Lions in Cornhill.' It is entitled 

The Sea-mans Dictionary : or, an Exposition and 
Demonstration of all the Parts and Things belonging 
to a Ship. Together with an Explanation of all the 
Terms and Phrases used in the Practique of Navigation. 
Composed by that Able and Experienced Sea-man 
Sir Henry Manwayring, Knight : and by him presented 
to the late Duke of Buckingham, the then Lord High 
Admiral of England. 2 

Its object was set out in a preface, ' showing 
the scope and use of this book,' from which the 
following is extracted : 

My purpose is not to instruct those, whose Experience 
and Observation, have made them as sufficient (or more) 

1 Booker Was licenser of mathematical works, and his 
license is imprinted on the title page thus : ' I have perused 
this Book, and find it so universally necessary for all sorts 
of men, that I conceive it very fit to be at this time imprinted 
for the good of the Republic.' September 20, 1644. 

2 The original MS. is dedicated to Buckingham, whom 
Mainwaring described as ' my most honored Lord and Patron 


then myself : yet even they should lose nothing by 
remembering : (for I have profited by mine own labour, 
in doing this). But my intent, and the use of this Book, 
is, to instruct one, whose Quality, Attendance, Indis- 
position of body (or the like) cannot permit to gain the 
knowledge of Terms, Names, Words, the Parts, Qualities 
and manner of doing things with Ships, by long ex- 
perience : without which there hath not any one arrived 
(as yet) to the least judgment or knowledge of them : 
It being so, that very few Gentlemen (though they be 
called Sea-men) do fully and wholly understand what 
belongs to their Profession ; having only some scrabbling 
Terms and Names belonging to some parts of a Ship. 
But he who will teach another must understand things 
plainly, and distinctly himself (that instead of resolving 
another man's doubts, he do not puzzle him with more 
confusion of Terms of Art), and so (to appear to know 
somewhat) will still expound Ignotum per ignotius. 
And for professed Sea-men, they either want ability, 
and dexterity to express themselves, or (as they all 
do generally) will, to instruct any Gentleman : If any 
will tell me why the vulgar sort of Sea-men hate land- 
men so much, either he or I may give the reason, why 
they are so unwilling to instruct them in their Art : 
whence it is that so many Gentlemen go long Voyages, 
and return (in a manner) as ignorant, and as unable to 
do their Country service, as when they went out. . . . 
To understand the Art of Navigation is far easier learned 
than to know the Practique of Mechanical working of 
Ships, with the Proper Terms belonging to them : In 
respect that there are helps for the first by many books 
(which give easy and ordinary rules for the obtaining 
to it), but for the other, till this, there was not so much 
as a means thought of, to inform any one in it. 1 . . . 
But I will speak it with as much confidence as truth, 
that in six months, he, who would but let me read this 

This of course refers to the work when it was originally 
compiled. Captain John Smith's Accidence for all young 
Sea-men appeared in 1626, but was a mere tract compared 
to Mainwaring's work. 


book over with him, and be content to look sometimes 
at a Model of a Ship, and see things how they are done, 
shall without any great study, but conversation, know 
more, be a better Sea-man, and speak more properly 
to any business of the Sea, than any other Gentleman, 
who shall go (two or three years together) to Sea, without 
this : for by the perusing of this Book, he shall not 
only know what to question, or doubt of, but likewise 
be resolved. 

To Mainwaring belongs the distinction of 
helping to spread a practical knowledge of the 
sea profession, and his remarks quoted above 
throw an interesting sidelight on one of the 
outstanding evils of the age the employment of 
gentleman commanders who were ignorant of 
naval affairs, and who, owing to influence at 
court, or land service in the low countries, were 
frequently appointed to the command of men-of- 
war, much to the disgust of the seamen who had 
been bred to the profession. 1 

On the failure of the treaty of Uxbridge 
towards the end of February 1645, the King 
resolved to send the Prince of Wales to the 
West o'f England. The care of the young Prince 
was entrusted to Sir Edward Hyde, and on the 
4th of March father and son finally parted. That 
same day at the head of 300 horse the Prince 
left Oxford, and the move brought Mainwaring 
definite employment. Though the Royal Navy 
was entirely in the hands of the Parliament, 
several merchant vessels had been hired or 
purchased for the King's service and fitted out 
as men-of-war. Among the latter was the St. 
George or Great George, belonging to Dartmouth, 
which had been purchased in November 1643 
by Thomas Cholwick and Captain John Smith 

1 See volume ii., Gentlemen < Tarpaulin Commanders. 
i. x 


for i3QO. 1 As soon as it became known that 
the King intended sending the Prince into the 
west, Mainwaring was appointed to command 
this vessel, with instructions to have her in readi- 
ness at Falmouth to convoy the Prince to Scilly 
in the event of danger. On the 5th of March the 
royal retinue reached the garrison at Devizes, 
and on the following day entered Bath. This 
town, Clarendon states, offered the Prince such 
serenity, that he stayed there two or three days. 
At Bridgewater on the 23rd an attempt was made 
to reorganise the royalist forces in the west, but 
the rapid advance of Fairfax's army caused the 
Prince and his followers to withdraw into Corn- 
wall. On the I2th of February 1646 the royal 
party came to Truro, and after a short stay there 
a visit was paid to Pendennis Castle, Falmouth, 
the Prince ' intending only to recreate himself 
for two or three days, and to quicken the works.' 
On the morning of his intended return a despatch 
was received from the Lords Hopton and Capel, 
to the effect that ' they had severally received 
intelligence of a design to seize the person of 
the Prince, and that many persons of quality 
of the country were privy to it.' 2 Some of the 
royal servants were supposed to have been 
implicated in the plot, and after the receipt of 

1 Clarendon State Papers in the Bodleian, i. No. 1730. 
In this vessel the Queen was conveyed to France on the I4th 
of July 1644, and 400 Was paid to Sir Nicholas Crispe for 
expenses incurred in conveying her Majesty thither. Crispe 
received a commission from the King on the 6th of May 1644, 
to equip at his own and his partner's charge not less than 
fifteen ships of war for the royal service, with power to make 
prizes, receiving a tenth as his own share. Among the 
Clarendon State Papers is a list of the disbursements of the 
St. George, 1640-5 (i. 1768, 2073 ; Diet, of Nat. Biog., article 
Crispe). ? Clarendon, Rebellion, 1826, v. 317. 


this startling information the Prince's councillors 
deemed it prudent to remain at Pendennis. 
Finally, as a matter of precaution, instructions 
were given ' to cause the frigate belonging to 
Hasdunck, and the other ships, to be ready 
upon an hour's warning.' 1 On Monday morning, 
the 2nd of March, news reached Pendennis of 
the advance of the Parliament's forces, and the 
governor, Colonel John Arundel, was informed 
of the Prince's resolution ' that night to embark 
for Scilly, being a part of Cornwall ; from whence, 
by such aids and relief as he hoped he should 
procure from France and foreign parts, he should 
be best able to relieve them.' 2 About 10 o'clock 
he embarked on the frigate Phoenix, and on the 
Wednesday afternoon landed safely at St. Mary's. 
Mainwaring's ship, however, instead of forming 
one of the Prince's convoy as originally intended, 
was detained by the governor of Pendennis for 
the assistance of the garrison, much against the 
royal command, as is shown in a letter of Lord 
Hopton's to the Prince, in which he says : 

As for the Great George, the ship appointed by 
your Highness's order to be brought after your Highness 
by Sir Henry Mainwaring, how she was stayed by the 
importunity of the Governor and Officers of Pendennis 
for the service of that castle, and that I used my best 
endeavour to have your Highness's order observed con- 
cerning that ship, will appear by several letters that 
passed between me and them, which I have ready to 
show. 3 

1 Clarendon, Rebellion, 1826, v. 319. John van Haesdonck 
Was in the Prince's service, and among the Clarendon State 
Papers in the Bodleian is a list of ten ships at sea under his 
command in 1645. (No. 1913.) 

2 Clarendon, v. 320. 

8 Ormonde, Letters, ed. Carte, i. 125. 


Unfortunately Hopton's letters, of which he 
speaks, are not forthcoming ; they would, no 
doubt, provide interesting reading were it possible 
to recover them. The reluctance of the officers 
of Pendennis to obey the royal command is 
perhaps, under the circumstances, pardonable. 
A man-of-war, mounting 40 guns, in the hands 
of a first-rate seaman, was a distinct asset to the 
beleaguered garrison. 

The castle of Pendennis is situated on a 
bold promontory some 200 feet above the sea, 
and with the castle of St. Mawe's on the east 
commands the whole entrance to Falmouth 
Harbour. It was therefore a fortress of great 
importance to the royalists, and on account of 
its strategical position gave the Parliamentary 
forces considerable trouble. 1 

After the surrender of Hopton's army at Truro, 
Fairfax despatched two of his regiments under 
the command of Colonel Hammond for the 
purpose of blocking up Pendennis by land. 
On the 1 7th of March his troops occupied the 
village of Pennycomequicke, while Batten, the 
Parliament's Vice-Admiral, laid siege to Pendennis 
by sea. Meanwhile the Great George appears to 
have run aground on the north side of the castle, 
whether from design or accident is uncertain ; 
but in spite of her position she was able to use 
her guns to good effect, and when Fairfax's party 
proceeded to view the works they met with a 
warm reception, as is shown in the following 
extract. The writer was one of the officers under 
Fairfax, and the incident he relates no doubt 
refers to the Great George. In his letter, which 

1 With the exception of Raglan Castle, Monmouthshire, 
Pendennis was the last royalist stronghold to surrender. 


is dated igth March 1645-6, the writer carefully 
conceals his identity under the initials ' T. M.' 

The General [he writes] went into Arwenack, Sir 
Peter Killegrew's house, where and in the village of 
Pennycomequicke we had quartered two regiments 
for the blocking up of Pendennis Castle on the land 
side. The day before the General sent thither those 
two regiments, the enemy in the castle set on fire Sir 
Peter's house, and burned a great part thereof down to 
the ground, and would have done the like with Penny- 
comequicke, had not our men's unexpected coming 
prevented them in the castle. . . . The man-of-war 
that hath 40 pieces of ordnance in him which lieth 
aground on the north side of the fort let us pass very 
quietly through Pennycomequicke and to Arwenack, 
which lies within half musket shot of the enemy's out- 
works, but is blinded by the houses and the trees, so 
that they cannot see those that are on the other side 
of the house ; but when we came off and were past 
Pennycomequicke, and advanced into an open field on our 
way back to Penryn, the ship that lay on the north side 
of the castle let fly at us, but their shot (by God's mercy) 
did us no harm, though the bullets flew very near us, 
and one grazed not far from me, which we found, and 
was a bullet of some 12 Ib. weight. 1 

The castle was known to contain ' many very 
considerable men, and the most desperate persons, 
and the violentest enemies that the Parliament 
hath in this kingdom.' 2 Besides 40 guns in the 
ship, the garrison were reported to have at 
least 80 pieces of ordnance mounted. 

On the 1 8th of March Fairfax summoned the 
governor to surrender, and the latter 's reply, 
after ' less than two minutes' resolution,' was to 

1 Cited in Oliver's Pendennis, pp. 39-42. 

2 ' T. M.'s ' letter. 


the effect that sooner than yield to the King's 
enemy he would bury himself in the castle. 1 

Therefore, preparations for a more stringent 
blockade were at once undertaken, and, acting 
under Colonel Hammond's instructions, fortifica- 
tions were gradually raised upon the narrow 
isthmus. By the 28th of the month Pendennis 
was reported ' almost lined about.' 2 So success- 
fully had the besiegers drawn their net round 
the staunch little garrison, that by the second 
week in April the Lords Hopton and Capel 
deemed it advisable to leave Pendennis and join 
the Prince of Wales at Scilly. Mainwaring must 
have also left about this time, as he certainly 
joined the Prince's followers at Scilly before 
the lines of fortification were completed at 
Pendennis. 3 

The destitute state of the royal party while 
at St. Mary's, one of the Scilly Isles, is revealed 
by Lady Fanshawe, wife of Sir Richard Fanshawe, 
the Prince's Secretary of War. Speaking of her 
own privations she says 4 : 

When we had got to our quarters near the castle, 
where the Prince lay, I went immediately to bed, which 
was so vile, that my footman ever lay in a better, and 
we had but three in the whole house, which consisted 

1 Oliver, p. 43. This gallant old commander, who was 
seventy years of age, after resisting the enemy for five months, 
finally capitulated on the I7th of August. 

* Ibid., pp. 42-3. 

3 At the surrender of Pendennis mention is made of ' one 
great ship that bore the Queen formerly between France and 
England.' This ship is known to have been the St. George. 
There Was also in the Prince's service the Little George, and 
probably the St. George was called the Great George to designate 
her from the sister ship. 

* Lady Fanshawe's Memoirs, pp. 59-60, 1829 ed. 


of four rooms, or rather partitions, two low rooms and 
two little lofts, with a ladder to go up : in one of these 
they kept dried fish, which was his trade, and in this 
my husband's two clerks lay ; one there was for my sister, 
and one for myself, and one amongst the rest of the 
servants ; but when I waked in the morning, I was so 
cold I knew not what to do, but the daylight discovered 
that my bed was near swimming with the sea, which 
the owner told us afterwards it never did but at spring 
tide. With this we were destitute of clothes, and meat, 
and fuel, for half the Court to serve them a month was 
not to be had in the whole island, and truly we begged 
our daily bread of God, for we thought every meal our 
last. The Council sent for provisions to France, which 
served us, but they were bad, and a little of them. 

On the Sunday following the arrival of Hopton 
and Capel a fleet of about twenty-seven Parlia- 
mentary ships encompassed the islands; but 
owing to a violent storm, which raged for two or 
three days, they were all dispersed. The i6th 
of the month, Charles and his retinue embarked 
on the Proud Black Eagle, commanded by Captain 
Baldwin Wake, and attended by two other vessels 
the little party set sail for Jersey. 1 

1 Clarendon, v. pp. 359-60. 




THERE comes a time in the lives of most men 
when they can look forward with pleasure to 
well-earned rest and retirement, but Mainwaring's 
fortunes on the threshold of his old age had 
almost reached their lowest ebb. Though formerly 
he had ' lived in great state,' and entertained a 
large retinue when on shore, 1 on coming to Jersey 
he was as poor as the rest of the royal followers. 
Had he taken the side of the Parliament in the 
Civil War, he would have probably achieved 
fame and profit, whereas now he was an exile 
attached to a hopeless cause, without any hope 
of gain. The vicissitudes through which the 
royalists had passed during the last three years 
had proved a serious drain on their resources, 
and on landing at Jersey, Mainwaring had only 
a single person his own nephew to attend on 
him. 2 Yet during this period of exile he was 
able to render a service which produced a most 
lasting effect on the future of the Navy. From 
Pepys it is well known that Charles II possessed 
an intimate knowledge, ' a transcendent mastery/ 

1 Chevalier's Journal (in Hoskins, i. pp. 357-8). 
- Ibid. 


as he styles it, in all nautical affairs. 1 Where 
the rudiments of that knowledge were gained 
is a point which has never been explained ; it 
will now appear that it was from Mainwaring. 

This extraordinary insight into maritime affairs 
displayed by Charles in after life is a point 
on which all his historians are agreed, and it is 
recorded of him, that ' almost the only pleasure 
of mind he seemed addicted to was shipping 
and sea-affairs/ 2 It is an undoubted fact that 
the foundation of that knowledge was acquired 
during his stay in the hospitable island of Jersey. 
Here in company with the first seaman of the 
day, whose magnum opus had just been issued 
to the world, it is not too much to assume that 
the Prince learnt the rudiments of his seaman- 
ship from Mainwaring. Even during the voyage 
from Scilly he had greatly enjoyed the experience 
of taking the helm of the Proud Black Eagle, 
and remaining there for a couple of hours on end. 
Though barely sixteen years of age he showed 
marked interest and intelligence ; and the course 
of instruction followed was identical to that 
laid down by Mainwaring ; that is, besides having 
the art expounded to him, a pupil should see 
for himself how things were done, and ' look 
sometimes at the model of a ship.' For this 
purpose, soon after his arrival in Jersey, the 
Prince ordered a model of a pinnace to be built 
for him at St. Malo. On the 8th of June the 
vessel reached Jersey, and a contemporary account 
describes her as a perfect model; of great length, 
fore, and aft ; elegantly painted and emblazoned 
with the royal arms, and fitted with twelve pair 

1 Cited in Derrick, p. 84. 

2 Character pj Charles II (Buckingham's Works, ii. 
1715, p. 239). 


of oars. She was equally suited for sailing as 
well as rowing, and for that purpose was fitted 
with a couple of masts, and the like number of 
sails. 1 Here in the secluded waters of St. Aubin's 
Bay, land-locked and encompassed by rocks, 
the Prince was free to sail his pinnace and enjoy 
his first lessons in seamanship, undisturbed by 
the attentions of the Parliament's fleet. A more 
touching picture than this is difficult to imagine. 
On the one hand we have the Prince entering 
into the spirit of his new hobby with all the 
enthusiasm of youth, while on the other we have 
the old sea-captain rendering a last service to the 
cause he loved so well, by successfully fostering 
in the son that same interest in England's maritime 
greatness which had distinguished his unfortunate 

On the Sunday following the Prince's landing, 
great rejoicings took place throughout the Island. 
Soon after nightfall all the prominent hill-tops 
were lit with blazing bonfires, every man contri- 
buting a faggot as a token of his loyalty. The 
next few days were devoted to holding levees in 
the great hall of the castle, when the principal 
personages of Jersey were presented to his 
Highness. The governor, Captain George Carteret, 
was created a baronet, and the captain of the 
royal frigate, Proud Black Eagle, became Sir 
Baldwin Wake. The Prince had now been a 
whole week in Elizabeth Castle without having 
attempted to set foot on the mainland. On 
Sunday the 26th it was announced that he and 
his suite would attend divine service at St. 
Helier's, 2 and the gentry of the Island, amounting 

1 Hoskins, Charles II in the Channel Islands, \. 413. 
Ibid., i. p. 370. 


to nearly 100 horse, proceeded to the castle to 
escort him from the gates. Accompanied by 
the governor's troop and a guard of honour, the 
royal cavalcade wended 'its way to the church, 
where the service was conducted by one of the 
clergymen attached to the Prince's train. 

On the 27th of April Lord Digby arrived at 
Jersey in a small frigate, the St. Francis of 
Dunkirk, of about 140 tons burden. This vessel, 
which was reputed to be ' one of the fastest 
sailing vessels in the world,' mounted 12 guns, and 
besides passengers and sailors, carried over a 
hundred Irish soldiers. Digby, who happened 
to be in Ireland when the Prince retreated to 
Scilly, sailed from Waterford with 3 frigates to 
his assistance ; but on reaching Scilly, finding that 
the Prince had already departed, sent the other 
two back to Ireland. 1 

At the beginning of June instructions were 
issued for the Doggerbank, under the command 
of Captain Dayman, to be laden with provisions, 
with the idea of running the blockade at Pendennis. 
She was fully armed and equipped for her dan- 
gerous mission, and in addition to her ordinary 
armament she mounted four swivels. On the 
4th of the month she sailed, but meeting with 
contrary winds she was forced to fly for shelter 
in the small haven of Perraulx, on the coast of 
Brittany. Here the soldiers and crew spent 
most of their time carousing on shore, with the 
result that news reached the enemy that she 
might easily be surprised at her anchorage. 
The commander of the Parliamentary squadron, 
who had long been on the look out for the Dogger- 
bank, seized the opportunity offered him, and 

1 Gary, Memorials, i. p. 60 ; Hoskins, i. pp. 373-4. 


despatched two of his ship to Perraulx. On their 
arrival, such of the crew that had been left on 
board, realising that it would be hopeless to 
engage the enemy, fired some pieces at random, 
then abandoned the ship, and escaped ashore. 1 

About this time the Prince and his council 
turned their attention to strengthening and 
modernising the defences of the castle. Acting 
on the advice of an engineer, who had been 
specially summoned from Paris, the rocks round 
the castle were scarped, to prevent them being 
easily scaled, and the space beyond the old works 
was surrounded by a rampart and ditch. While 
the Prince was thus occupied with his pinnace and 
fortifications, entreaties reached him from his 
mother to join her in Paris. The Queen had 
received information of a supposed conspiracy 
to deliver her son over to the Parliament, for the 
sum of 20,000 pistoles, and forthwith the Lords 
Capel, Culpepper, Jermyn, and Wentworth, 
among others, were despatched to Jersey, 
with instructions to prevail upon the Prince 
to come into France. Jermyn handed to the 
Prince the letters and papers with which he had 
been entrusted, and a council was summoned in 
his Highness's bed-chamber, at which the Queen's 
letter was read, with extracts from those of the 
King. The silence which followed the reading 
of the King's letter was only broken by Hyde 
rising and desiring ' that in a matter of so great 
importance, upon which the fate of three kingdoms 
might depend,' that they ' might not be put 
suddenly to deliver an opinion/ After much 
discussion the council was postponed till the 
next day, which was Sunday, when the royal 

1 Hoskins, i. pp. 405-10. 


letters were again read. Hyde records that 
after an hour's debate, ' it was agreed that 
every man should deliver his opinion as he 
thought fit.' The Earls of Berkshire and Brent- 
ford, and the Lords Capel, Hopton, and the 
Chancellor, were of the opinion that the Prince 
should suspend the idea of journeying into France. 
Culpepper's view was, that the King's command 
was positive, and he advised the Prince to submit ; 
while the other three, Jermyn, Digby, and Went- 
worth, would not express their opinions. The 
Prince, however, resolved to obey the royal 
command, and gave out his intention of starting 
on the Tuesday morning ; 1 but contrary winds 
and mutinous seamen delayed his embarkation 
till the following Thursday. During the time 
he was stayed, Hyde informs us that the Prince 
showed ' great impatience, and would never 
suffer any of his attendants to go out of the 
castle, lest they might be absent in that article 
of time when the wind would serve, which he 
resolved to lay hold of, so that nobody went 
to bed.' About five o'clock in the afternoon 
of Thursday, 25th of June, the Prince, supported 
by Jermyn and Digby on either side, embarked 
on the frigate, and reached the French coast 
about eleven o'clock at night, where he lay at 
anchor till daybreak. 

Hyde, who had so strongly expressed himself 
against the Prince's removal, refused to accom- 
pany his royal master into France, as did two 
other members of the Prince's council, the Lords 
Capel and Hopton, who preferred ' a loyal part 
of the King's dominions to the wilderness of a 
foreign kingdom.' Besides these three dissentient 

1 Hoskins, i, pp. 435, 440. 


members of the council, many other gentlemen 
of the Prince's suite declined to accompany him 
into France, taking up their abode in Jersey, 
' not knowing where to be better or so well.' 
Amongst them may be named : Sir Henry 
Mainwaring, Sir David Murray, Sir John Macklin, 
Sir Edward Stawell, and Sir Richard Fanshawe. 
The Prince's governor, the Earl of Berkshire, 
also remained ; but two days after the departure 
of his royal charge he set sail for St. Malo, where 
he embarked in a Dutch ship bound for Holland. 
En route the vessel passed close to Jersey, and 
the Earl caused a salute to be fired, as a leave- 
taking to his old friends on the Island. 1 

The most central and interesting figure among 
this little band of royalists is, without doubt, 
that of the chancellor, Sir Edward Hyde, better 
known to posterity by his later dignity as Earl of 
Clarendon. Of the others we may note that Sir 
David Murray was an old cavalier nearly eighty 
years of age ; Sir Edward Stawell was the son of 
Sir John Stawell, governor of Exeter ; while Sir 
Richard Fanshawe was the Prince's Secretary 
of War. During Hyde's sojourn in the Island, 
besides conducting a voluminous correspondence, 
he found time to continue his studies and 

enjoyed the greatest tranquillity of mind imaginable. 
Whilst the Lords Capel and Hopton stayed there, they 
lived and kept house together at St. Helier's, where, 
having a chaplain of their own, they had prayers every 
day in the church at eleven of the clock in the morning ; 
till which hour they enjoyed themselves in their chambers 
according as they thought fit : the chancellor to the 
continuation of the History which he begun at Scilly. 2 

1 Hoskins, ii. 1-2. 

2 Clarendon, Life, i. p. 239. The History of the Rebellion 
was first published at Oxford in three volumes, folio, 1702-4. 


Whilst Hyde and his fellow royalists were 
enjoying the seclusion and hospitality offered 
by the Island of Jersey, those that had been left 
behind for the defence of Pendennis were on the 
eve of capitulation. On the i3th of July, over 
a fortnight after its despatch, a letter reached 
Jersey, signed by the principal officers of the 
castle, containing heart-rending details from the 
famished and beleaguered garrison, who, for want 
of victuals, were forced to kill their horses to 
provide food. The letter, which was addressed to 
the Prince, was immediately forwarded to him in 
Paris by the one-armed colonel who had brought 
the intelligence to Jersey. This touching appeal, 
however, failed to bring the prompt assistance 
that was needed, and the courageous defenders 
were forced to surrender on the lyth of August. 
Some of the loyal officers eventually found their 
way to Jersey, where they were warmly welcomed 
by their old friends. 

About the end of September, the ' tranquillity 
of mind ' enjoyed by Hyde and the other 
cavaliers was disturbed by an alarming report 
from France, to the effect that the Channel 
Islands were to be sold to the French. The 
originator of this scheme was reported to be Lord 
Jermyn, who, for delivering up the islands of 
Jersey and Guernsey, was to receive 200,000 
pistoles and a dukedom. The plot was to levy 
2000 Frenchmen, under a pretence that they 
were for the English service, to help in reducing 
the Island of Guernsey, whereby it was hoped 
that their commander, Jermyn, would be able 
to seize both islands. 1 The scheme, Hyde informs 

1 Hoskins, ii. pp. 55-6. Guernsey at the time was strongly 


us, was so far advanced that ships had already 
been chartered for transporting the men. On 
the i gth of October articles were drawn up by 
Sir George Carteret, the governor of Jersey, and 
the others, in which they set forth their deter- 
mination to resist at all costs any attempts that 
the French might make ' on the greatest road of 
trade in the world.' 1 If the French had any 
such designs, their scheme did not progress any 
further, and Jermyn denied all knowledge of 
the transactions, telling Hyde that he hoped his 
friends did not conceive him guilty of ' so infamous 
a piece of villany.' In spite of Jermyn's denial, 
the evidence was the testimony of a number 
of trustworthy individuals, and it is probable 
that the idea was entertained by the French, but 
abandoned when they found that the intelligence 
had leaked out. On the 26th of the month 
Lord Capel left the Island, and passed through 
Paris on his way to Holland. 

The next two months passed without any 
attempt by the Parliamentary ships to reduce 
Jersey. In the interval Sir George Carteret took 
the opportunity of replenishing the magazine 
and stores of the castle. 

On the 25th of February, 1647, Lord Hopton 
received news of the death of his wife in England, 
and the following day he left the Island on his 
way to Rouen, much to his own regret and the 
grief of the handful of honest fellows who, as 
Hyde wrote to Cottington in Paris, ' love each 
other heartily, which, they say, is a charity not 

1 Hoskins, ii. p. 60. See also 'Articles of association 
entered into between Hopton, Hyde, and Carteret, for the 
defence of Jersey against the supposed design of Lord Jermyn ' 
(Clarendon, Stale Papers, ii. 279-82). 


yet translated into the language of the climate in 
which you inhabit/ 1 

Hyde, now bereft of his two friends, left his 
lodging in St. Helier's, and betook himself to 
Elizabeth Castle, where a chamber was allotted 
to him in which to pursue his studies. At the 
time when Hyde joined the family circle of Sir 
George Carteret, the new fortifications, begun 
about nine months previously, were nearing com- 
pletion. Guns had been mounted on the ramparts 
of the new outwork, and a barbican placed in 
advance of the drawbridge. Every Thursday 
a council of war was held in the precincts of the 
castle, at which suggestions for defensive opera- 
tions were eagerly discussed. 2 The 6th of May, 
a man-of-war mounting 26 guns, and a pinnace of 
6 guns, anchored in the roadstead before the 
castle, and a messenger was despatched under 
a flag of truce to the governor. As a matter 
of precaution he was blindfolded, and led to 
the council chamber, where he handed a letter 
to Carteret from the Earl of Warwick, summoning 
him to deliver up the island to the Parliament. 
A council of war was called, and within an hour 
the messenger was on his way back with Carteret's 
answer, which was to the effect that he did not 
intend to make himself ' a real and avowed villain 
by betraying a trust.' The summons was really 
intended as an ultimatum to the attack which 
was to be made in earnest during the month of 
May, and on the ist of that month the Commons 
ordered the Committee of the Army to furnish 
Colonel Rainborowe with four mortar pieces 
and munitions for reducing the Island of Jersey, 

1 Hoskins, ii. pp. 99-100. 

2 Ibid., ii. pp. 121-2. 


for which purpose a sum of 6000 was voted. 1 
Carteret's secret emissaries in London confirmed 
the intelligence, and informed him that 12,000 
men were to be employed for that service. On 
receipt of these alarming tidings, the energies 
of all on the Island were redoubled, in order 
to place the defences on a sound footing. The 
militia were drilled and armed, the governor's 
company was formed into a light brigade, while 
another company of 200 picked men was raised 
and designated ' The Prince's Own.' Their 
vigilance and resources were soon to be put to 
the test. One fine morning three large and six 
smaller ships of the enemy were observed steering 
towards the Island. They were believed to be 
the vanguard of the hostile squadron, and one 
of their number was the Convertive of 42 guns. 
The pre-arranged signal, that the beacons were to 
be fired in the advent of danger, was given, and 
the call to arms was sounded in every district. 
The now well-disciplined troops were soon on 
the spot, and a brisk fire was exchanged between 
the ships and the soldiers. Carteret was quickly 
on the scene, and seeing that the enemy did not 
intend to effect a landing, but merely to make 
a demonstration, ordered his men to retire. 2 

In the meantime Parliament was so much 
occupied with the problem of disbanding the 
army that the proposed expedition against 

1 Commons Journals, v. p. 159 ; Whitelocke's Memorials, 
p. 245. 

2 In 1632 Sir George Carteret Was Lieutenant in the 
Convertive, and in 1637 he Was second in command of the 
Sallee expedition. Five years later he was raised to the rank 
of Vice-Admiral, and the year following he was appointed 
Governor of Jersey. He was Treasurer of the Navy from 
1661 to 1667, and died in 1680 (Diet, oj Nat. Biog.). 


Jersey was for the time abandoned. The vote 
for money was withdrawn, and on the 28th of 
May Rainborowe was suddenly ordered ' to 
repair to his regiment with all speed, and take 
course to stay it ' till further orders from the 
Parliament. 1 The order to Rainborowe 2 from 
the House to repair to his regiment, and detain 
it in the place where he should find it, is in some 
respects worthy of notice. On the I2th of May 
the House had reason to believe that his soldiers 
were quartered in Hampshire, at Portsmouth 
and Petersfield respectively, ready to embark 
at notice for Jersey. Between that date and 
the 28th of the month they had evidently 
received intelligence of their mutiny, ' and knew 
probably they were on the march northward 
to join their comrades, but were ignorant of the 
precise line of march they had taken, or the 
exact point at which they were aiming/ 3 

As soon as the news of the postponement of 
the expedition reached Jersey, the glad tidings 
were diffused through the Island, and gave 
fresh zest to the rejoicings which were to take 
place in the castle in honour of the Prince's 

1 Commons Journals, v. 193. 

z At the outbreak of the Civil War Rainborowe joined 
the Parliamentary forces, and in 1643 was in command of the 
Swallow of thirty-four guns. He assisted Fairfax in the 
defence of Hull, and appears to have deserted sea service 
for that on land. In 1646 he sat as M.P. for Droitwich, and 
in September 1647 he Was appointed Vice-Admiral for the 
winter guard of the seas. With the seamen he was very 
unpopular, and his commission lasted only five months. On 
the 29th of October 1648 he was kidnapped by a party of 
royalists at Doncaster, and in the struggle Was mortally 

8 Mr. E. Peacock's Notes on the life of Rainborowe, 
in Archaeologia, xlvi. 3. 


seventeenth birthday. To celebrate the joyous 
occasion a sumptuous banquet was spread in 
the great hall of the castle, to which the principal 
personages of the Island were invited, among 
whom were Sir Edward Hyde, Sir David Murray, 
Sir Henry Mainwaring, Sir John Macklin, and 
Sir Edward Stawell. Nor did Carteret forget 
his soldiers, and they in company with the 
tradesmen were feasted in another part of the 
castle. By the aid of our worthy chronicler, 
Chevalier, we are enabled to get a glimpse of 
this convivial gathering. The feasting over, he 
informs us, ' the garrison manned the ramparts ; 
hosts of spectators lined the parapets ; wine 
flowed in abundance ; the health of the King, 
Queen, Prince of Wales, and other members 
of the royal family was drunk with loud accla- 
mations amid repeated charges of ordnance and 
musketry.' * 

Soon after the suspension of hostilities, 
Chevalier informs us, ' many persons of all ranks 
and conditions,' who had sought refuge in Jersey, 
took their departure ; some making their way 
to the King, whilst others returned to their estates 
in England, from which they had been absent 
so long. Towards the end of February 1648 
Mainwaring was amongst the little band that 
came to bid farewell to the governor, Sir George 
Carteret, with whom they had spent the last 
22 months. 2 The only royalists of note who 
remained were Hyde, Sir David Murray, and 
Sir John Macklin. Hyde, not daring to venture 
into England, continued to reside at his lodging 
in Elizabeth Castle. 8 

During the time that Mainwaring passed on 

1 Hoskins, ii. 137. * Chevalier's Journal, p. 530. 
* Hoskins, ii. 163. 


the Island he became on very intimate terms 
with the Jersey chronicler, Jean Chevalier, and 
to pass away an idle hour frequently entertained 
that worthy with stories of his early sea life, 
which must have duly impressed him, for in 
a subsequent part of Chevalier's Journal there 
appears an account of the ' heroic feats of Sir 
Henry/ l 

1 See volume ii. 



DURING the period preceding the execution of 
Charles I, and onwards up to the time of the 
Restoration, it is difficult to trace the travels 
of many who adhered to the royalist cause, 
and among them must be classed Sir Henry 
Mainwaring. 1 For four months after he bade 
adieu to the hospitalities of the Island of Jersey 
no mention of his name is to be found, though 
it is known that he managed to join the revolted 
ships in Holland about the end of June in that 
year. Under these circumstances it will perhaps 
not be considered out of place to give a brief 
resume of the doings of the Navy during this 
period. Batten, who had connived at the supply 
of arms for the Essex insurgents, had been 
dismissed from his command as Vice-Admiral 
of the Parliament's fleet, and Rainborowe 

1 The reason is not difficult to ascertain. ' It is no secret,' 
Writes Mr. Ewald, ' that the Domestic State Papers, after the 
year 1640, are as meagre in bulk as they are in interest. . . . 
During the Civil War numerous documents Were destroyed 
by the Parliamentary party. . . . The State Paper Office 
Was the King's repository, and the officers who transmitted 
papers there were his servants ' (Ewald, Stones from the 
State Papers, ii. 182-3). 


1648-1653 WITH ROYALIST FLEET 327 

appointed in his stead. 1 This caused great 
dissatisfaction among the seamen, with whom 
Batten had become very popular ; and when 
part of the fleet was lying in the Downs on the 
27th of May 1648 they took advantage of the 
occasion while Rainborowe was on shore to 
declare for the King. Those that revolted were : 
Constant Reformation, Swallow, Convertive, 
Antelope, Satisfaction, Roebuck, Hind, Crescent, 
and Pelican, 2 and under their guns the castles 
of Deal, Walmer, and Sandown were recovered 
for the royalist cause. The Duke of York being 
then in Holland, the ships made their way to 
Helvoetsluys, where they arrived about the end 
of the month. From here a message was des- 
patched to the Prince, then at St. Germains, 
to come over and place himself at their head, 
and on the 25th of June, with Prince Rupert, the 
Lords Hopton, Culpepper, and others, he started 
to join his brother in Holland. The royal party 
sailed in an English frigate from Calais, and 
on the Prince's arrival he was received by the 
sailors ' with all those acclamations, and noises 
of joy, which that people are accustomed to.' 3 
Mainwaring was now appointed by the Prince 
to the command of the Antelope, a 30 gun ship * 
and after a stay of about a week, in which to 
refit, the royalist squadron sailed for the Thames, 
with Lord Willoughby as its Vice- Admiral. On 
the 22nd of July the Prince anchored in 
Yarmouth roads, but having no land force with 
him, and finding that nothing was to be gained 
by prolonging his stay, sailed for the Downs, 

1 Cal. S.P. Dom., Charles I, 1648-9, pref. xxi. 
z Ibid., 1648-9, p. 124. In Sir W. Penn's Lije mention 
is made of another, the Blackamoor Lady (ii. 261). 

8 Clarendon, v. p. 33. * Chevalier's Journal, p. 683. 


where he found the Kentish castles still holding 
out for the King. During their stay in the 
Downs the fleet seized a ship sailing from London 
to Rotterdam, laden with cloth. This was owned 
by the Company of Merchant Adventurers, and 
the value of her cargo was returned at 40,000. 
Another royalist prize was an East Indiaman 
homeward bound and richly laden, which 
Clarendon informs us was very welcome, ' because 
the ship itself was a very strong ship, and would 
make an excellent man-of-war. 1 The city of 
London was greatly alarmed by the seizure of 
its merchant shipping, and one of them, the 
cloth ship, they petitioned Charles to restore. 
The substance of his reply was to the effect that 
he had to provide money for the maintenance 
of the navy under his command, and desired 
the city to supply him with 20,000, for the 
expenditure of which sum he undertook to give 
account ; and on receipt of which he stated the 
ship should be restored to her owners. After 
about a month's negotiation, the sum of 12,000 
was eventually handed over to the Prince, and 
the cloth ship released. It is quite probable 
that her cargo was considerably under-estimated, 
and, as Clarendon shrewdly remarks, ' there was 
somewhat else besides cloth in the body of it, 
for which there was not any search suffered to 
be made. 2 

The Prince was now joined by Batten, who 
had succeeded in bringing over the Constant 
Warwick, one of the best of the Parliamentary 
ships, with him. On his arrival Batten was 
cordially received by the Prince, who knighted 
him, and appointed him his Rear-Admiral. 

1 Clarendon, Rebellion, vi. 64. z Ibid., 67. 


From the Downs the fleet sailed for the 
mouth of the Thames, where it remained inactive 
till the end of August. The Prince, now finding 
himself running short of provisions and with no 
prospect of support on land, determined to 
return to Helvoetsluys and refit his ships. The 
seamen, however, were eager to try conclusions 
with Warwick, and when the news was conveyed 
to them of the intended return, they mutinied, 
and insisted in sailing up the Thames to meet 
the enemy. They would sooner live on half 
rations, they stated, than go back to Holland 
without engaging Warwick's ships. 1 Knowing 
that all depended on his seamen, the Prince 
forthwith resolved to strike a blow before return- 
ing. On the 3Oth of August both the fleets 
were within striking distance, preparing for 
action, when they were suddenly separated by a 
violent storm, and the desire of the Prince's 
sailors was not gratified. The gale continuing 
on the next day, the royalist fleet was confronted 
with the prospect of starvation ; and with 
their water casks empty, and one solitary butt 
of beer, there was no alternative but to return 
to Holland. 2 

At the beginning of September the fleet arrived 
in Goree Road, but Warwick's ships followed so 
closely, that both raced for possession of the 
harbour. One account states that the Constant 
Reformation was nearest the anchorage, but 
' Warwick sent a good sailing frigate to get in 
before, so the Prince's boat and the other rowed 

1 Gardiner, Civil War, iii. 467-8. 

* Ibid. , p. 468. The Prince is blamed by some for remaining 
so long at the mouth of the river, when he might have sailed 
to the Isle of Wight, and tried to effect the release Of his 
father. (See Lediard, ii. 532 ; Clarendon, vi. 80.) 


d vi for the harbour/ Warwick's frigate had 
apparently gained the day, when Captain 
Allen, 1 who happened to be on shore, pretending 
to be their friend, called for a rope to make it 
fast, but as the boat, was putting off again he 
let slip the rope, and back went Warwick's ship. 
After this the Prince's fleet were hauled in, 
except the Convertive, which came in on the 
next spring tide. 2 Another account, also con- 
temporary, which shows that Mainwaring was 
with the fleet, is contained in the petition of 
George Rosewell, a seaman of the merchant ship 
Love, which had been captured in the Downs 
and brought over to Holland. Rosewell states 
that he ' lost his wherry and chest and all he 
had in the ship, which was plundered by the 
merciful Parliament, he being ashore that night 
that his captain went away with the ship, and 
he cut away the Tenth Whelp's hawsers, or else 
your Highness' great ships should not have come 
into the Sluice (i.e., Helvoetsluys), which Sir 
Henry Mainwaring can witness.' 3 

1 Captain Thomas Allen was knighted, and made captain 
of the Guinea frigate of 300 tons, which formed one of Prince 
Rupert's squadron. 

2 Warburton, Prince Rupert, iii. 253. 

3 Pepys MSS. at Magdalene College, Cambridge. (Hist. 
MSS. Com., 1911, p. 239, dated November, 1648.) This 
incident has hitherto apparently been unnoticed. In the 
State Papers, Domestic, Charles I, ccccxviii. 164, there is a 
petition of the owners of the Love to the Commissioners of 
the Navy. The Tenth Whelp Was commanded by Captain 
W. Brandlyn, and Was one of the Parliament's fleet in the 
Downs. There is still another version, by one who Was in 
the St. George, entitled : ' A letter from the Navy with the 
Earl of Warwick, Lord High Admiral : from Hellevoyt 
Sluice, Novem: 24, 1648,' London. Printed for Laurence 
Blaikelocke, 1648. ' The next morning,' the writer states, 
'being the ninth (i.e., of November). . . instead of firing on 


Warwick, however, followed the ships into 
the harbour, summoning the Prince to lower 
the royal standard, and to render the ships to 
him as Lord Admiral of England. The States 
of Holland informed Warwick that no hostile 
act would be countenanced in their waters ; 
and to enforce this neutrality Tromp was soon 
on the scene, with sixteen men-of-war, having 
received orders to lie midway between the rival 
fleets, and in case the roadstead was violated, 
to join against the aggressor. Many of the 
royalist seamen during the blockade that ensued, 
finding their provisions running short, and their 
pay in arrears, were induced by Warwick's 
sailors to desert, and the Constant Warwick, 
which Batten had brought to the Prince, ' either 
voluntarily left the fleet, or suffered itself to be 
taken by Warwick's squadron.' 1 

On the 2ist of November Warwick, finding 
his own ships needed revictualling, and being 
prevented from obtaining supplies on shore, 
was compelled to raise the blockade and sail 
for the Downs, where he arrived on the 23rd. 

us, they all hastened to gain the Sluice, which We might 
have prevented had there not been slackness in some . . . 
We had one Frigate in their Admiral's Way, and lay 
before the Sluice mouth, where our Vice-Admiral might 
have been also, if ordered, and then the valiant Prince could 
not have run his head into that hole, as presently afterwards 
he did, by carrying a Hawser on shore, and the Guinea Frigate 
also, the rest being all at an anchor as near the pier as they 
could get. In the night they cut the cables of five more,^and 
hauled them all but one into the Sluice, Where one lay athwart 
the other's sterns . . . The next morning, being the loth, 
as soon as it Was light . . . the Love (a ship of 38 guns) 
Weighed and ran right for the Sluice. One of our ships laid 
her cross the Hawser, forcing her to an anchor, some of the 
soldiers on board her cried fire, but immediately she yielded.' 
1 Clarendon, vi. 135. 


The Prince was now confronted with the double 
difficulty of victualling his ships and finding 
money to pay the clamouring seamen. Many 
rich prizes had been brought into the Hague, 
and their cargoes sold at a considerable loss in 
order to appease the demands of his crews. 
Willoughby, who was inexperienced in naval 
affairs, was now superseded by Prince Rupert, 
though the latter was not favoured by the seamen. 
The ships were hastily surveyed, and Main waring' s 
ship, the Antelope, being unfit for further service, 
her ordnance was sold, and the proceeds devoted 
to victualling and fitting out the rest. 1 In the 
meantime Rupert had by vigorous methods of 
procedure, such as throwing ' two or three 
seamen overboard by the strength of his own 
arms,' succeeded in restoring some form of order 
among the seamen. 2 

The royalist exiles had long entertained the 
idea of assailing England through Ireland, and 
on the nth of January 1649 Rupert sailed 
from Helvoetsluys with eight warships and three 
Dutch East Indiamen. His squadron made such 
an imposing appearance, that on its passage 
through the Downs no attempt was made to 
interrupt its progress ; and on the 2gth Rupert's 
fleet cast anchor at Kinsale. 3 The following day 
the final catastrophe of the Civil War was enacted, 
and ' Charles Stuart, King of England,' was 
no more. 

The news of his father's death did not reach 
the Prince at the Hague till four days later, and 
on the receipt of the intelligence much condolence 

1 At the end of June 1649 she was destroyed by a boat's 
crew from the Happy Entrance (Spalding, Life of Badiley, 
p. 29). * Clarendon, vi. p. 151. 

3 Gardiner, Commonwealth, i. p. 15. 


was meted out to him by the States of Holland. 
For nearly six months after this sad event 
Charles, King of Scotland, the only title by which 
he was recognised by the Parliamentarians, con- 
tinued to reside at the Hague. Here his suite 
consisted of the Marquis of Montrose ; the Lords 
Hopton, Wilmot, Culpepper, and Wentworth ; 
besides Sir Edward Hyde, Sir Edward Nicholas, 
Sir Edward Walker, Sir Henry Mainwaring, and 
other poor but staunch cavaliers. 

The time had now come for Charles to bid 
adieu to the States of Holland, and prior to 
his departure we find a warrant signed by him, 
and dated at the Hague, June 6th, to pay Main- 
waring, amongst others, the sum of 300 guineas. 
The original document is still preserved, and runs 
as follows 1 : 

1649. June 6. The Hague. Charles R. our will and 
pleasure is that out of such moneys as you shall receive 
that you immediately pay to the several persons specified 
in the annexed schedule the several sums set on their 
names. Given under Our Sign Manual at the Hague 
this sixth day of June, 1649. 

The warrant is to Sir Edward Walker, who 
in February 1649 had been appointed Clerk 
of the Council to Charles, and the curious instruc- 
tion, ' out of such moneys as you shall receive,' 
had no doubt direct reference to the sale of the 
prizes which Rupert had captured during his 
voyage to Kinsale, the profits of which helped to 

1 Hodgkin MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com., 15 ii. p. 113). 
Some forty names are mentioned in this interesting document, 
among Whom are the following : Sir Edward Walker, 500 
guineas ; Lord Gerrard, 2000 guineas ; Earl of Cleveland, 
1000 ; Sir Marmaduke Langdale, 500 ; ' To the mariners 
of the Antilop, 100 guineas ' ; ' To a poor man at Hetforsluce 
for his ship, 350 guineas.' 


maintain his fleet, and partly support the court 
of Charles at the Hague. At the beginning of 
the following November, Rupert, with seven 
ships, left Kinsale on his famous buccaneering 
expedition. 1 In the opinion of men such as 
Mainwaring, the King's only chance of regaining 
the throne depended on what measure of success 
attended his efforts on the sea, and when the 
last remnant of the royalist fleet quitted the 
coast of Ireland, it is safe to assume that Main- 
waring returned to England. The many 
vicissitudes through which he had passed had 
left their mark, and now prematurely aged and 
worn, 2 his one desire was to end his days in the 
England he loved so well. He presents a truly 
pathetic figure, only too common amongst the 
King's adherents, who, when they realised that 
their cause was lost, determined to return to 
England and make their peace with the Parlia- 
ment. The news of the death of his elder brother, 
Sir Arthur Mainwaring, at the end of the previous 
year, had no doubt been conveyed to him in 
Holland, and it is probable that one of his first 
visits on reaching England was to Saves Court, 
Chertsey. This fine Elizabethan mansion, which 
James I is reported to have occasionally occupied, 
was demised by Charles I to Sir Arthur Main- 
waring in 1634, and after his decease it remained 
for some time in the possession of his widow, 
Grissell, Lady Mainwaring. Sir Arthur is buried 

1 Rupert had succeeded in relieving the Scilly Isles, which 
Sir John Grenville held for the King. On the 22nd of May 
he Was blockaded by Blake at Kinsale, but in the following 
October a gale forced Blake to raise the blockade, and Rupert 
escaped to sea. 

2 He is variously stated to have been between seventy and 
eighty, and also about seventy, whereas he Was only sixty-two . 


at Chertsey, and on a marble gravestone was 
this inscription 1 : 

Here lies the Body of Sir Arthur Mainwaring of 
Sayes, in the County of Surrey, Knight, Son & Heir 
of Sir George Mainwaring of Ightfield, in the County 
of Salop, Knight, whose second Wife was Grissell, the 
eldest daughter of Sir David Wbodroofe of Poyle in the 
said County of Surrey, Knight, by whom he had issue 
two Sons named Charles & Arthur, and one daughter 
named Margaret, which Arthur lies hereby interred ; 
and the said Charles & Margaret surviving, departed 
this Life the 29 day of December, An. Dni. 1648, 

Where Mainwaring resided, or what pursuits 
he indulged in, cannot be ascertained ; but the 
remainder of his life was evidently spent in 
comparative poverty. He had served his King 
with unshaken loyalty and integrity, and, in 
common with many others, had spent what means 
he possessed in the royalist cause. These devoted 
men who supported Charles I, and afterwards 
followed his son across the seas, were indeed 
men of spirit. When poverty pressed them 
hard, they would say like one of Hyde's corre- 
spondents, ' yet. I have a mad kind of humour 
that keeps me alive and merry in every place 
where I come.' 2 For the sake of their King they 
freely sacrificed all, not counting the cost of 
their actions, and faced the world with a brave 
and cheerful countenance. The miserable plight 
of the royal finances did not allow of much 
margin for the King's faithful retinue, and they 
were forced to eke out an existence as best they 
could, the best being often very precarious. 

1 Aubrey, Surrey, 1718, ii. 177. 

2 Clarendon, State Papers, ii. -255. Cited in Miss Eva 
Scott's King in Exile, pp. 1-2. 


During the sojourn of the court in France, 
Sir Edward Hyde and others were forced to go 
into ' pension ' together, subsisting on one meal 
a day, for which they paid (when they had the 
money) one pistole a week. The King and his 
followers lacked the necessaries of life -food, 
fire, and clothing. Hyde, writing to a friend, 
stated he had not three sous to enable him to 
buy a faggot, and was so cold he could not hold 
his pen. Reduced to these dire straits, the 
royalists were quite resigned and even cheerful 
over their many misfortunes. Hyde in a merry 
mood wrote, ' The conditions will grow a second 
nature with us. I do not know that any man 
is yet dead for want of bread, which really I 
wonder at ! ' 1 

The lines reproduced here, which were written 
by Alexander Brome, admirably set forth the 
royalist sentiment of the time. 2 

We do not suffer here alone, 
Though we are beggared so's the King ; 

'Tis sin t'have wealth when he has none, 
Tush ! poverty's a royal thing ! 

Towards the close of the year 1651 Mainwaring 
was in such reduced circumstances that, besides 
his clothes, his only other possession was a 
horse ! This pathetic side of his life is revealed 
when he sought to make his composition with 
the Committee for Compounding the estates of 
royalists at Goldsmiths' Hall. The intensely 
human records of this Committee, which lay 
bare every detail regarding the possessions of 
those that took the King's side in the Civil War, 

1 Scott, pp. 434-4- 

* ' The Royalist,' Written 1646 (reprinted in Mackay's 
Cavalier Songs). 


are preserved among the archives in the Public 
Record Office, and Mainwaring's petition, which is 
dated 4th of November 1651, is as follows : 

To the Honourable the Commissioners for Com- 

The petition of Sir Henry Mainwaring, Knight, 
Humbly showeth that whereas being a servant of the 
late King he did adhere to him in the late war against 
the Parliament and then went into Holland, and hath 
never acted anything since the late King's death, nor 
was never sequestered. He being about 70 years of 
age, and desiring to end his days in peace, humbly prays 
he may be admitted to fa] composition for his poor estate 
in the particulars annexed, 

And he shall daily pray, &c., 

4 November, 165 r. 
Referred to Mr. Reading to report. 
R. M. 

A particular of my estate for which I desire to 

I am possessed of a horse and wearing apparel to 
the value of 8. This is a true particular of my estate 
for which I desire to compound, and do humbly sub- 
mit to such fine as shall be imposed upon me. And I 
do affirm that I am not comprised in any qualifications 
or exceptions of Parliament nor have committed any 
act of delinquency since the ist of February, I648. 1 


On the 25th of November the fine was fixed at 
one-sixth, 2 and it was ' ordered that Sir Henry 

1 I.e., ist February 1648-9. 

2 It is interesting to note that the fines Were levied in the 
following ratios: one-half from a delinquent M.P. ; one-sixth 
from those who had taken part in the former or latter war ; 
one-third from those who had taken part in both. 


Mainwaring, Knight, do pay into the Treasury at 
Goldsmiths' Hall as a fine for his delinquency 
in the late war against the Parliament the sum 
of i 6s. Sd. within six weeks after the date 
whereof this order.' x It is to be hoped that 
Mainwaring did not have to realise on his horse 
to raise the necessary i 6s. Sd., and that some 
good friend came forth in this hour of adversity 
with the requisite sum ; at any rate, on the 
1 8th of December the fine was paid, and 
Mainwaring given a discharge. 

He did not long survive his composition, and 
eighteen months afterwards, in May 1653, his 
death is recorded at the age of sixty-six. On 
the I5th of the month he was buried at St. Giles' 
Church, Camberwell, 2 where his wife had been 
interred some twenty years before. No record 
of his last days is available, and no tombstone 
stands to mark the last resting-place of one of 
the greatest seamen of the age ; but it is pleasant 
to think that, dying when he did, a few weeks 
after the battle of Portland, he was spared to 
rejoice over the first of the victories against the 
Dutch, which marked the revival of the Navy, 
and for which he had done so much to pave 
the way. 

As he lay on his death-bed the country was 
ringing with the glorious news, and for such a 
man there could have been no sweeter passing 
bell. Mainwaring's whole soul was bound up 
with the welfare of the English Navy, and the 
knowledge he had accumulated through expe- 
rience had been freely given for the benefit 
of his fellow countrymen. A linguist and a 

1 Royalist Composition Papers, Gi2, pp. 351, 375 ; 0223, 
p. 116. 

? Coll. Topog. et Genealogica, iii. 165. 


scholar of no mean ability, he wielded a pen 
with as much dexterity as he handled a ship, 
and was never happier than when committing 
his views to paper on any subject connected 
with the Navy and the naval art. Of a studious 
nature, his indefatigable industry and quickness 
of perception placed him among the foremost 
Englishmen of the time. A true patriot at heart, 
he is one of those forgotten worthies whose 
enterprise and courage helped to make the British 
flag known and respected in all seas, and of him it 
may truly be said, that in his life was exemplified 
the motto of his family ' Devant si je puis.' 



ABBOTT, George, Archbishop of 
Canterbury, opinion regard- 
ing the loan of warships to 
Venice, 61-2 ; Main waring 
visits, 84 ; copy of the 
Seaman's Dictionary dedi- 
cated to, 85 

Aberdeen, 267 

Admiral, Lord High . See Buck- 
ingham, Duke of ; Northum- 
berland, Earl of ; Notting- 
ham, Earl of ; Warwick, Earl 

Admiralty, Lords Commis- 
sioners of the, 218, 220-2, 
227, 242, 250, 256, 267, 299 

Admiston, William, 271 

Adriatic, Spanish fleet enters 
the, 35-6 

Ainsworth, W. Harrison, xvi 

Aldeburgh, 301 

Algiers, pirates of, 10, 59, 63, 
65, 133, 147, 154. 298-9 

Allen, Captain, commands a 
fireship at Rochelle, 191 

Allen, Sir Thomas, at Helvoet- 
sluys, 330 ; note on, 330 n. 

Alleyn, Edward, 215 n. 

Apsley, Sir Allen, in Rlie" 
expedition, 172 

Archie, court jester, anecdote 
of, loo-i ; at Portsmouth, 


Argall, Sir Samuel, in Cadiz 
expedition, 142 

Arundell, Earl of, 271, 273 

Arundell, Col. John, Governor 
of Pendennis Castle, besieged 
by the Parliamentary forces, 
307 ; detains Mainwaring's 
ship, 307-8, summoned to 
surrender, 309 ; refusal, 310, 
and note 

Arwenack, 309 

Ashburton, John, Groom of 
the Bedchamber to Charles I, 

Aspull, Edmund, 208 

Aston, Sir Walter, 113 

Aurum potabile, 82 

Aylesbury, Sir Thomas, visits 
Portsmouth, 141 ; on Special 
Naval Commission, 146 ; 
mentioned, 210 

Azores, 22 

BAGG, Sir James, expedites 
reinforcements for Rochelle, 
192 ; mentioned, 175, 176, 
185, 186 n., 189 

Bamford, Captain James, in 
Rochelle expedition, 200 ; 
in fleet of 1639, 285 

Bannister, Captain Daniel, com- 
mands Royal Exchange, 42 




Barbarigo, Venetian Captain- I 
General at Sea, commands 
English ships in the Venetian 
service, 42 

Barbary Coast, piracy on, 
9-14, 19 ; Easton off, 23 ; 
mentioned, 27, 29 

Bargrave, Captain John, in fleet 
of 1640, 288 

Basing 's Manor, Peckham, 213 

Bath, 306 

Batten, Captain, in Rochelle 
expedition, 200 

Batten, Sir William, in fleet 
of 1638, 262 n. ; Surveyor 
of the Navy, 266 ; Claren- 
don's account of, 266 ; 
blockades Pendennis, 308 ; 
dismissed from his command I 
as Vice- Admiral of the Par- | 
liament's fleet, 326 ; ap- 
pointed Rear- Admiral of the 
Royalist fleet, 328 ; knighted, 
328 ; mentioned, 331 

Bavaria, Duke of, 77 

Beachy Head, 260 

Beaulieu House, James I at, 

Bedford House, Strand, 105 

Bellamy, John, publisher of 
The Seaman's Dictionary, 


Belle Isle, 241 
Bellievre, M. Pomponne de, 

French Ambassador, 260 
Belly, David, 271 
Bence, Mr., 301 
Bennett, Elizabeth, Main- 

waring's romantic wooing of, 

207-9 ; marries Sir Heneage 

Finch, 209 

Bennett, Richard, 207 
Berkshire, Earl of, in Jersey, 



Berwick, treaty of peace signed 
at, 274 ; mentioned, 267, 
269, 271-3, 288 

Best, Captain Thomas, in Rh6 
expedition, 171 ; on Council 
of War, 184 ; mentioned, 221 

Bingley, Sir Ralph, commands 
Irish troops for Rh6, 173-4 

Biscay, Bay of, 145, 232 

Bishop, a pirate, 10 

Blackwall, 167 

Blake, Valentine, Galway mer- 
chant, 13 

Blyth, Captain Richard, 291 n. 

Boate, Edward, 255, 299 

Bohemia, James I anxious to 
protect, 66, 73 

Bohemia, King of. See Fred- 

Bohemia, Queen of, Wotton's 
sonnet to, 78 

Boischot, Ambassador, 91 ; 
Mainwaring escorts, frorr> 
Calais, 91-3, 97 

Bond, Captain George, in Rh6 
expedition, 178 n. 

Booker, John, 303 

Bordeaux, 163 

Boswell, Sir David, in Rochelle 
expedition, 191 ; in second 
Rochelle expedition, 200 ; 
charged with cowardice, 
202 n. 

Boteler, Nathaniel, his Dia- 
logical Discourse quoted, 
105 n.-io6 n. 

Boulogne, 93 

Bramshill, Hants, residence of 
Lord Zouch, 79, 84, 96 ; 
account of, 96 n. 

Brasenose College, Oxford, 4-5 

Brazil, 209, 211, 256 

Brentford, Earl of, 317 

Brett, Sir Alexander, 165 




Brett, Captain Jeremy, in fleet 
of 1636, 235 

Bridgewater, 306 

Bridge-water, Earl of, on Special 
Commission of Naval In- 
quiry, 146 

Bridgewater, Countess of, 208 

Brindisi, 45 

Bristol, merchants of, 7 

Broad, Ruben, Master in the 
fleet of 1637, 2 55 

Broadhaven, Ireland, 16 

Brome, Alexander, 336 

Broom Down, near Ports- 
mouth, troops for Rhd at, 

Browne, Captain, 200 

Browne, John, King's gun- 
founder, petition of, 298 

Browne, William, 285 

Bruce, Lord, 209 

Buchan Ness, 243, 258 

Buchanan, George, 271 

Bucke, Mr., 266 

Buckingham, Duke of, Lord 
High Admiral, Mainwaring's 
suggestion to, regarding the 
Spanish menace, 65-6 ; at- 
tends horse race at Lincoln, 
84 ; journey with the Prince 
of Wales to Madrid, 91 et 
sqq. ; letter of James I to, 
1 02 ; anxious to return to ! 
England, 106-7 ; leaves ! 
Madrid, in ; leaves San- ! 
tander, 114 ; arrives at Ports- j 
mouth, 116; his jurisdiction ; 
as Lord High Admiral, 121-2; j 
becomes Lord Warden of 
the Cinque Ports, 128 ; 
appointed Lord High Ad- 
miral, 131 ; zeal of, 132-3 ; 
Mainwaring presents paper 
on Portsmouth as a naval 


base to, 136-40 ; causes 
estimates to be drawn up 
for a dock at Portsmouth, 
140-1 ; on Special Naval 
Commission, 146 ; requests 
fleet to be prepared for 
immediate service, 150-1 ; 
workmen march from Chat- 
ham to lay their grievances 
before, 152 ; praises his 
colleagues on the Special 
Commission, 160 ; urges the 
King to devote the revenue 
of the subsidies to the Navy, 
1 60; foresees war with 
France, 164 ; inspects ships 
at Chatham, 164 ; Main- 
waring's letter to, regarding 
ships for Rlie", 167-9 ; sug- 
gests heavier guns for the 
ships, 171 ; commands the 
Rhe expedition, 171 ; sails, 
171 ; landing, 172 ; besieges 
St. Martin's, 173 ; urges re- 
inforcements from England, 
173 ; handicapped by the 
shortage of men and pro- 
visions, 174 ; despairs of 
success, 176 ; decides to 
make a final effort to capture 
the fort of St. Martin's, 177 ; 
Mainwaring's efforts to get 
reinforcements to, 178 ; lack 
of victuals in the relief ships 
for, 179 ; despair of, 180 ; 
attempts to storm the fort, 
181 ; disastrous failure of, 
1 8 1 ; withdrawal and em- 
barkation of, from Rh6, 181 ; 
Mainwaring's letter to, re 
garding the Rochelle ex- 
pedition, 185-8 ; Main- 
waring's audience with, 194 ; 
commands fleet for the relief 




of Rochelle, 195 ; hostility 
shown to, 196 ; attacked at 
Portsmouth, 197 ; murdered, 
198 ; character of, 198 ; 
naval reforms of, 199 ; 
bravery of, 198 n. 

Bulger, Captain, 200 

Bullard, Captain Richard, in 
fleet of 1637, 2 55 

Burgh, Sir John, commands 
troops in the Rh6 expedition, 

Burley, Captain John, in 
Rochelle expedition, 200 ; in 
fleet of 1636, 235 ; refuses to 
surrender to the Parliament, 

Burley, Captain Richard, in 
fleet of 1638, 263 ; in fleet of 
1639, 269, 280 n. 

Burrell, William, master ship- 
wright, 141, 149 ; examined 
before Special Commission, 

154 ; fraudulent dealing by, 

155 ; defects in the ships 
built by, 155-8 ; death, 
158 n. ; mentioned, 171, 179, 
182, 183 n. 

Butfield, Captain James, in 
Rochelle expedition, 190 

Butler, Mr., 208 

Butler, Captain, in Rochelle 
expedition, 200 

Button, Captain William, in 
Rochelle expedition, 200 

CADIZ, Spanish fleet sails from, 
24, 26 ; Cecil's expedition 
against, 142-3 ; failure of, 
143 ; causes, 144, 158 

Calais, 12, 91, 257, 327 

Calveley, Margery, I 

Camberwell, 213, 215 n., 222 n. 


Cambridge, rejoicings at, on 
the return of the Prince 
from Spain, 116-7 

Canterbury, adventure of 
Prince Charles at, 93 ; men- 
tioned, 61, 80, 96 

Canterbury, Archbishop of. See 
Abbott, George 

Capel, Lord, 306 ; leaves 
Pendennis, 310 ; at Jersey, 
316-7 ; leaves Jersey for 
Holland, 320 

Capital ship, Mainwaring's 
paper on the value of the 
capital ship in naval war- 
fare, 51-6 

Carew, Lord, 83 

Carew, Sir Fjancis, in Rochelle 
expedition, 190 

Carlisle, 267 

Carr, Captain, 271 

Carteret, Sir George, in fleet 
of 1635, 231 ; in fleet of 1636, 
235 ; in fleet of 1638, 263 ; 
in fleet of 1639, 269 ; in fleet 
of 1641, 291 n. ; created a 
baronet, 314 ; Governor of 
Jersey, 320-4 ; refuses to 
deliver up Jersey to the 
Parliament, 321-2 ; account 
of, 322 n. 

Catches (ketches), 281 

Catwater, 177, 180 

Cecil, Sir Edward, Viscount 
Wimbledon, 6 ; stands as 
M.P. for Dover in opposition 
to Main waring, 124-5 ; 
elected, 125 ; petition against 
return of, 125 ; unseated, 
126 ; letter to Zouch, 127 ; 
re-elected, 127 ; commands 
expedition against Cadiz, 
142 ; failure of, 143 ; ignorant 
of naval warfare, 143 ; bad 




condition of his fleet, 144 ; 
criticism of, 144 ; on Special 
Naval Commission, 146, 152, 


Chain wales, 157 

Charlebois Point, 201 

Charles I, intended betrothal to 
the Infanta of Spain, 91 ; 
journey to Spain, 91-3 ; 
fleet fitted out to fetch home, 
94 ; list of the ships, 102 ; 
anxiety of James I for, 102 ; 
anxious to return to England, 
106-7 ; fleet leaves for Spain, 
109 ; Charles leaves the 
Escurial, in ; arrival at 
Santander, 112; goes on 
board the Prince Royal, 112 ; 
narrow escape from drown- 
ing, 113 ; entertains Spanish 
retinue at Santander, 113 ; 
leaves, 114 ; lands on St. 
Mary's Island, 115 ; leaves, 
1 1 6 ; arrival at Portsmouth, 
116; joy of the people at 
his return, 116-7; endea- 
vours to restore Mainwaring 
to Dover Castle, 117; his 
letter to Zouch, 117 ; Zouch 's 
charges against Mainwaring 
presented to, 118; reply to 
Zouch, 119; list of fleet at 
his accession, 135 ; appoints 
Special Commission to in- 
quire into the Navy, 146-7 ; 
attends meeting of the 
Special Commission, 160 ; 
proposals to Parliament re- 
garding the Navy, 161 ; de- 
termines to despatch an expe- 
dition to Rhe', 164 ; inspects 
troops in the Isle of Wight, 
165 ; inspects fleet at Ports- 
mouth, 170 ; his interest in, 


170 ; reviews troops, 171 ; 
determined to relieve 
Rochelle, 182 ; inspects fleet 
for Rochelle, 196 ; instruc- 
tions to the Earl of Lindsey, 
20 1 ; negotiations with 
Richelieu, 203 ; unable to 
obtain supplies from Parlia- 
ment, 205 ; dissolves Par- 
liament, 205 ; his interest 
in the Navy, 219 ; tour of 
the various dockyards, 219- 
220 ; at Chatham, 220 ; at 
Portsmouth, 220 ; naval 
force at his disposal in 1634, 
224 ; revives ship-money, 
227 ; first issue of ship- 
money writs by, 228 ; ex- 
tends writs to the whole of 
the kingdom, 233 ; deter- 
mines to continue his policy, 
246 ; desires opinion of the 
judges on ship-money, 252 ; 
opposition to, 262 ; fails to 
bring about a settlement 
with the Scots, 266 ; plan 
to blockade Scotland, 267 ; 
raises an army to invade 
Scotland, 267 ; Scotch 
prisoners sent to London by, 
271 ; negotiations concern- 
ing the Spanish and Dutch 
fleets in the Downs, 1639, 
280 et sqq. ; organised re- 
sistance to ship-money writs 
of, 286 ; petition of Scottish 
merchants to, 289 ; in- 
effectual blockade of Scot- 
land, 290 ; failure of his 
campaign against Scotland, 
290-1 ; Parliament declares 
ship-money illegal, 291-2 ; 
his efforts to raise a naval 
force, 292-3 ; the Navy 




declares for the Parliament, 
294 ; outbreak of the Civil 
War, 302 ; at Oxford, 30*2 ; 
battle of Newbury, 303 ; 
sends the Prince of Wales 
into the West of England, 
305 ; execution of, 332 

Charles, Prince of Wales, after- 
wards Charles II, with the 
royalists in the West of 
England, 305 ; Mainwaring 
one of his retinue, 306 ; at 
Pendennis Castle, 306 ; plot 
against, 306 ; leaves Pen- 
dennis, 307 ; lands in Scilly, 
307 ; sails for Jersey, 311 ; 
arrival at, 312 ; receives 
first lessons in seamanship, 
313-4 ; model pinnace built 
for, 313-4 ; at Elizabeth 
Castle, 314 ; strengthens 
defences, 316 ; supposed plot 
against, 316 ; urged to join 
his mother in Paris, 316 ; 
leaves Jersey, 317 ; in Paris, 
319 ; joins the revolted 
ships at Helvoetsluys, 327 ; 
sails for the Downs, 327 ; 
seizes merchant shipping, 
328 ; appoints Batten his 
Rear-Admiral, 328 ; returns 
to Helvoetsluys, 329 ; 
blockaded by Warwick 330- 
331 ; leaves Holland, 333 

Chatham, dockyard at, 136- 
137 ; survey of the Navy at, 
148-50 ; complaint of ship- 
wrights at, 151 ; stores at, 
155 ', workmen from, march 
to - London, 152 ; list of 
ships surveyed at, 153 ; Duke 
of Buckingham at, 165 ; 
Mainwaring at, 166-7 > 
Charles I visits, 219 ; men- 


tioned, 198, 224, 238, 253, 

Chatham Chest, 247 

Chelsea, 91 

Chertsey, 334 

Chevalier, Jean, Chronicler of 
Jersey, 324-5 

' Chips,' 130 n. 

Cholwick, Thomas, 305 

Chudleigh, Sir John, in Cadiz 
expedition, 142 ; commands 
transports for Rh6, 178 ; on 
Council of War, 184 ; in 
Rochelle expedition, 200, 202 

Cinque Ports, ships of, viii, 64, 
67 ; early history closely 
allied with that of the Royal 
Navy, 69 ; their decline, 
69 ; Mainwaring appointed 
Deputy Warden of, 69 ; 
his endeavours to improve 
the defences of, 72 ; mariners 
from, for Algiers expedition, 
80 ; French refugees in, 
85-8 ; difficulties of im 
pressing men from, 89, 99 ; 
limits of jurisdiction of Lord 
Warden, 122-3 > Main war- 
ing's instructions for droit 
gatherers, 123 ; mentioned, 
118 21, 130, 199, 216 

Cinque Ports, Admiralty Judge 
of . See Newman, Sir G. 
Lord Warden of. 
See Zouch, Lord, and 
Buckingham, Duke of 
- Serjeant of the Admir- 
alty of the. See Ful- 
netby, Thomas 

Clamps, 157 

Clarendon, Earl of, with Prince 
Charles in the West of 
England, 305-7 ; with 
royalist exiles in Jersey, 




316-25 ; his History 
quoted, 266, 328 ; at the 
Hague, 333 ; poverty of, 
while in exile, 336 

Clerkenwell, 79 ) 

Coast defences of England, 
deplorable condition of, 64 ; 
money to repair, 65 ; Main- 
waring draws attention to 
their ruin and decay, 70 ; 
unable to defend the coast 
from attack, 72 ; proposed de- 
molition of twenty castles, 85 

Coke, Sir John, Commissioner 
of the Navy, 63 ; Main- 
waring presents discourse 
on the English fisheries to, 
90, 216 ; on Special Naval 
Commission, 146 ; evidence 
of, 154-5 ; scheme for found- 
ing a Loyal Association, 
162 ; expedites reinforce- 
ments for Rochelle, 192-3 ; 
letter to Denbigh, 194 ; draws 
up report on the Navy, 219 ; 
instructions to first ship- 
money fleet, 228-30 ; men- 
tioned, 176, 182, 204, 233, 
270, 271, 273 

Coke, Walter, 301 

Collins, Captain, in Cadiz ex- 
pedition, 142 

Committee for Compounding 
the Estates of the royalists, 

Contarini, Venetian Ambas- 
sador in England, opinion 
on English ships and sailors, 
37 ; hires merchant ships 
in England, 38; negotiations 
with Mainwaring concerning, 
38-43 ; recommends Main- 
waring to the Doge, 44 ; 
believes Mainwaring has 


turned pirate again, 47 ; 
mentioned, 60 

Conway, Viscount, 95 ; re- 
quests that Mainwaring may 
be appointed Captain in the 
Prince Royal, 100 ; Rutland's 
letter to, 103-4 * letter of 
Navy Commissioners, 107 ; 
letter of Zouch to, 118; 
mentioned, 176, 241 n. 

Cope, Sir W. H., author of the 
History of Bramshill, 96 n. 

Corbett, Sir Julian, xv ; quoted, 
66, 236 

Cormat, a protector of pirates, 
story of his capture by 
Monson, 16-19 

Cornhill, 303 

Corunna, no, 276 

Cosimo II, de Medici, Duke of 
Florence, his offer to Main- 
waring, 14-15 

Cottington, Sir Francis, 92, 93, 

Cotton, Sir Robert, on Special 
Naval Commission, 146 

Council of the Sea. See Naval 
Commission of 1626-7 

Covenanters. See under Scot- 
land, rebellion in 
j Crispe, Sir Nicholas, purchases 
merchant ships for the King, 
306 n. 

Cromwell, Lord, in Cadiz ex- 
pedition, 142 

Crosby, Sir Pierce, commands 
Irish troops for Rh6, 173-4 

Crowe, Sir Sackville, on Special 
Naval Commission, 146, 159 ; 
wooing of, 207 

Culpepper, Lord, at Jersey, 
316 ; joins royalists in Hol- 
land, 327; mentioned, 333 

Culverins, 52-4, 171, 299 



DARTMOUTH, 231, 276, 305 

Davies, John, of Hereford, 5 ; 
writes epigram to Main- 
waring, 6 ; ode to Mainwar- 
ing, 8 

Davis, Captain John, 212 

Day, Jonas, 140 

Dayman, Captain, 315 

Deal Castle, 81, 82, 83, 118, 327 

Deall, Sir Robert, 170 

Delaware, Lord, in Cadiz ex- 
pedition, 142 

Demi-culverins, 299 

Denbigh, Earl of, in Cadiz ex- 
pedition, 142 ; on Special 
Naval Commission, 146, 150, 
152 ; commands squadron 
in Rh6 expedition, 171 ; 
commands Rochelle expedi- 
tion, 184-5, 189; his fleet 
leaves Plymouth, 190 ; ar- 
rival at Rochelle, 191 ; makes 
an attack with fireships, 191 ; 
failure of, 192 ; arrival off 
the Isle of Wight, 193 ; 
difficulties of revictualling 
his fleet, 193 ; Coke's letter 
to, 194 

Deptford, dockyard at, 136 ; 
survey of the ships at, 149 ; 
stores at, 155 ; ships at, 159 ; 
mentioned, 198, 224, 296 

Dering, Sir Edward, wooing of, 

Devizes, 306 

Devon, troops mustered in, 64 

D'Ewes, Sir Simond, 206 

De With, Vice-Admiral, inter- 
cepts Spanish fleet in the 
Channel, 276 ; engagement 
with, 276-9 

Dieppe, 216, 217, 260, 261 

Digby, Lord, at Jersey, 315, 


Digby, Sir Kenelm, 220-2, 233, 

Dixon, Alexander, 271 

Dockyards, 136 ; improve- 
ments at, during Bucking- 
ham's regime, 198. See also 
Chatham, Portsmouth, and 

Donaldson, David, 271 

Donate, Venetian Ambassador 
in England, report on Gon- 
domar's conversation with 
Mainwaring, 49-50 ; thinks 
Mainwaring might be able 
to obtain the loan of English 
warships, 61-2 

Donne, John, Dean of St. 
Paul's, 215 n. 

Donnell, Captain Richard, in 
fleet of 1637, 2 55 > * n ^ eet * 
1638, 263 

Dorset, soldiers billeted in, 189 

Dorset, Earl of, member of 
the Virginia Company, 76 ; 
mentioned, 84 

Dover and Dover Castle, de- 
fenceless state of, 64-5 ; 
Mainwaring appointed Lieu- 
tenant of, 69-70 ; duties of 
the Lieutenant and other 
officers, 71 ; corporation sur- 
render certain rights to the 
Crown, 72 ; Mainwaring's 
endeavours to improve the 
defences of, 72 ; Spanish 
Ambassador lands at, 73-4 ; 
foreigners excluded from 
viewing the fortifications, 75 ; 
Sir H. Wotton at, 77 ; 
supplies for, 79, 83-5 ; 
Mainwaring elected M.P. for, 
80-1 ; dismissal of Main- 
waring from, 100 ; Prince of 
Wales endeavours to re- 




store Main waring, 117; 
Main-waring stands as M.P. 
for, 125 ; petition against 
the return of their members, 
125-6 ; repairs to Dover 
Castle, 129 ; French Am- 
bassador lands at, 260 ; 
mentioned, 30, 32, 34, 89, 
93, 96, 98, 216, 240, 257 

Dover, Earl of. See Rochford, 

Dover, Mayor of, 77, 80. See 
also Garrett, Robert 

Downs, the, ship-money fleet 
of 1635 in, 230-1, 233 ; 
fleet of 1636 in, 238, 241, 
244 ; fleet of 1637 in, 256, 
2 57> 258-60 ; fleet of 1638 
in, 264, 275 ; engagement 
between the Spanish and 
Dutch fleets in, 276 et sqq. ; 
revolt of the fleet in 1648 in, 
327 ; mentioned, 99, 103, 
108, 138 

Drake, ordnance called, 298 

Drake, Sir Francis, vii, i, 27, 
32, 276 

Dublin, 270 

Dulwich College, 215 n. 

Dunkirk, 149, 192, 239, 241, 
256, 258, 263-4, 276 

Dunning, Henry, in fleet of 

1637- 255 

Duppa, Captain, 266 
Durham, 291 
Dyce, Alexander, 78 
Dysart, 297 

Easton, Peter, pirate, 7 ; at 

Newfoundland, 20 ; his 

career, 21-3 


Edisbury, Kenrick, examined 
before Special Commission 
on the Navy, 154 ; survey 
of the Navy by, 224, 265 ; 
death of, 265 

Egerton, Philip, i 

Elba, Conde de, 24 

Eliot, Sir John, wooing of, 207 

Elizabeth, Queen, 3, 216 

Elizabeth Castle, Jersey. See 

Englebert, Mr., member of the 
Virginia Company, 76-7 

Essex, Earl of, Vice-Admiral 
in the Cadiz expedition, 142 ; 
commands troops in ex- 
pedition to Scotland, 269 

Evelyn, Sir John, 301 

FAIRFAX, Sir Thomas, com- 
mander of the Parliamentary 
forces in the West, 306 ; 
besieges Pendennis, 308 et 

Fairlight, near Hastings, 104 

Fajardo, Luis, captures Ma- 
mora, 24-5 

Falcons, 299 

Falmouth, 177, 306, 308 

Fanshawe, Sir Richard, in 
Jersey, 310, 318 

Fanshawe, Lady, at St. Mary's, 

Felton, John, Lieutenant in 
the Rlie" expedition, 197 ; 
murders Buckingham, 198 

Fenchurch Street, 84 

Fernando do Noronha, Island, 
Mainwaring petitions for a 
grant of, 209-11 ; descrip- 
tion of, 211-12; charter 
granted, 212 




Ferryland, 22 

Fielding, Lord, expedites relief 
ships for Rochelle, 192 

Fielding, Captain Richard, in 
fleet of 1636, 234 ; in fleet 
of 1637, 258 ; in fleet of 1639, 

269, 280 n., 285 ; in fleet of 
1640, 288 

Fighting Instructions, 1636, 

Finch, Sir Heneage, wooing of, 

Finett, Sir John, sails with the 

fleet to Santander, 112 ; 

meets Prince Charles and 

Buckingham, 112 
Firth of Forth, 243, 267, 269, 

270, 290 

Fisheries, 227, 242-5, 258. See 
also Narrow Seas and Sowe 

Flags, 240 

Flamboro' Head, 236, 243 

Flanders, 46, 87, 275, 285 

Fleming, Denis, Commissioner 
of the Navy, 182, 224 

Fletcher, Captain John, in 
fleet of 1636, 235 

Fogge, Captain Richard, in 
Rochelle expedition, 200 ; 
charged with cowardice, 
202 n. ; in fleet of 1635, 231 ; 
in fleet of 1636, 235 ; in 
fleet of 1637, 254 ; in fleet 
of 1638, 263 ; in fleet of 
1639, 269 ; in fleet of 1640, 
288 ; in fleet of 1641, 291 n. ; 
refuses to surrender his ship 
to the Parliament, 294 

Folkestone, 75, 77, 278 

Footwales, 156-7 

Foster, Henry, Constable of 
Sandwich, 89-90 

Fotherby, Mr., 80 

Fowey, Cornwall, 22 


Foxe, Captain Robert, in fleet 
of 1638, 263 ; in fleet of 
1639, 269 ; in fleet of 1640, 

Foxley, Thomas, 96 n. 

France, rebuilding of the navy, 
160, 221 ; Charles I makes 
peace with, 206 ; English 
claim to the sovereignty of 
the seas challenged by, 227 

Frederick, King of Bohemia, 
77, 91 n. 

Fryer, Sir Thomas, 198 

Fulnetby, Thomas, Serjeant of 
the Admiralty of the Cinque 
Ports, 8 1 ; opposes Main- 
waring's authority, 82-3, 
98 ; accusations against 
Mainwaring, 118, 121 n. ; 
Zouch's agreement with 
Buckingham concerning, 128 

Furring, 157, 300 

GALWAY, 13, 75 

Gardiner, Fortune, daughter 
of Sir Thomas Gardiner, 
baptism of, 213 ; romantic 
marriage to Mainwaring, 
213-5 ; death, 222 

Gardiner, Samuel Rawson, in, 
196, 199 

Gardiner, Sir Thomas, account 
of, 213 ; letter describing 
the marriage of his daughter 
to Mainwaring, 214 ; death, 
213 n. 

Garrett, Robert, Mayor of 
Dover, 88 

Geere, Sir Michael, in Cadiz 
expedition, 142, 144 

Germany, 66 

Gibraltar, Straits of , u, 23 




Giffard, Captain Richard, 140 ; 
on Special Naval Commis- 
sion, 146, 152 ; early career 
of, 147 ; mentioned, 183 

Gilbert, Raleigh, in Cadiz expe- 
dition, 142 

Gillingham, Boom at, 139 ; 
survey of ships at, 148-9 

Girdling, 156, 248, 300-1 

Glanville, a pirate, 10 

Goldsmiths' Hall, 336, 338 

Gondomar, Conde de, Spanish 
Ambassador in England, 
threat to Venice, 36 ; conver- 
sation with Main waring, 36 ; 
objects to Main waring enter- 
ing the Venetian service, 39- 
42 ; note on, 40 n. ; account 
of English ships, serving 
Venice, 43 ; protests to James 
I about Mainwaring, 44 ; 
instrumental in bringing 
about the execution of 
Raleigh, 45 ; leaves England, 
46 ; endeavours to stop 
Mainwaring reaching Venice, 
46-7 ; conversation with 
Mainwaring, 48-9 ; Venetian 
Ambassador's report on, 49- 
50 ; allowed to export 
English gunpowder, 73 ; 
second embassy to England, 
73 ; received by Mainwaring 
at Dover, 73-4 ; attacked 
in London, 83-4 ; enter- 
tained by Prince Charles 
at Santander, 113 ; advises 
peace with England, 133 

Goodwins, 81, 118 

Goree, 257 

Gorges, Sir Ferdinand, n 

Gosport, 138, 140 

Gottenburg, Scottish trade 
with, 290 


Graham, Sir Richard, Master 
of the Horse to Buckingham, 

Graunt, John, 271 

Gravelines, 80 

Gravesend, 32 ; adventure of 
Prince Charles at, 92-3 ; 
the Gravesend barge, 168 n. ; 
Scottish prisoners at, 272-4 

Greenwich, 78 

Guernsey, 319 

Guiana, 64 

Guildford, 3 

Guns and gunnery, 51-6 ; 
powerful French gun inven- 
ted to sink the English fleet, 
163. See also Culverins, 
Demi - Culverins, Drake, 
Falcons, Minions, Sakers 

Guy, John, Governor of New- 
foundland, 22 


Haesdunck, John van, com- 
mands ships in the service 
of Prince Charles, 307 

Hague, Prince of Wales at, 


Hain (i.e. raise), 138 

Haines, Humphrey, 296 

Hakluyt, Richard, 4 

Hall, Captain John, in fleet of 
1638, 263 ; in fleet of 1639, 
269, 277, 280 n., 285 

Hamble, river, 138 

Hamble Point, near Southamp- 
ton, 6 

Hamilton, Marquis of, 109 ; 
High Commissioner for Scot- 
land, 266 ; fails to bring 
about a settlement with the 
Scots, 267 ; his plan to 




blockade Scotland, 267 ; 
commands troops for Scot- 
land, 269-72 

Hamilton, John, 271 

Hamilton, Peter, 271 

Hamilton, Robert, 271 

Hammond, Colonel, besieges 
Pendennis, 308-10 

Hannay, Mr. David, xvi 

Harbour de Grace, Newfound- 
land, 21 

Harley, Sir Robert, 301 

Harris, Captain Christopher, 
commands the Charles, 102 

Harvey, a pirate, 22 

Harvey, Captain Edward, in 
Rochelle expedition, 191, 

Harvey, Captain John, in Rh6 
expedition, 178 n. 

Harwich, 269, 275 

Hastings, 261 

Heath, Sir Robert, Recorder 
of London, 88 

Helford, 239 

Helvoetsluys, 257 ; royalist 
fleet at, 32732 

Hemsley, Mr., quarrel with 
Mainwaring, 97 

Herbert, Edward, Lord, on 
Special Naval Commission, 
146, 152 

Herring fishery, 242-5 

Hervey, Lord, on Special Naval 
Commission, 146 ; early 
career of, 147, 152 ; Rear- 
Admiral in the Rh6 expedi- 
tion, 171 

Heydon, Sir William, on 
Special Naval Commission, 
146 ; on Council of War, 

Hickes, Sir Elias, in fleet of 
1636, 234 


Hill, Captain Phillip, in fleet 
of 1636, 235 ; in fleet of 
J637, 255 ; in fleet of 1639, 
269, 280 n. ; in fleet of 
1641, 291 n. 

Hill, Captain Richard, in fleet 
of 1640, 288 

Hill, Captain Thomas, 30 

Hill, Captain, Muster master 
of Dover Castle, 128 

Hinds, Mr. Allen, xv 

Hofler, Hans, 271 

Holland, fishery of, in English 
seas, 242-5, 258 ; ships of, 
264 ; engagement between 
Dutch and Spanish fleets 
in the Downs, 1639, 275 
et sqq. ; royalist fleet in, 
326 et sqq. ; Charles II 
leaves, 333 

Holland, Earl of, commands 
reinforcements for Rh6, 174- 
176, 178-80 ; driven back 
into Plymouth, 180-1 ; letter 
to Buckingham, 183 ; men- 
tioned, 204 

Home, George, 271 

Home, James, 271 

Hopton, Lord, leaves Pen- 
dennis, 310 ; at Jersey, 317 ; 
leaves Jersey, 320 ; joins 
royalists in Holland, 327 ; 
mentioned, 306, 307, 333 

Howard, Lord, of Effingham. 
See Nottingham, Earl of 

Huguenots, settle at Dover and 
the Cinque Ports, 86-8 ; 
use of St. Mary's Church 
granted to, 86-7. See also 
Rh6 and Rochelle 

Hurtado de Mendoza, 113 

Hyde, Sir Edward. See Claren- 
don, Earl of 

Hythe, refugees at, 87 




IGHTFIELD, Shropshire, 1-3, 


Inchcolm, 270 

Inchkeith, 270 

Inner Temple, 5 

Ipswich, ships built at, 183 

Ireland, 47 ; rumoured Spanish 
invasion of, 63 ; piracy on 
the coast of, 15-19, 30 

Irish Sea, 267 

JACOB, John, alias Van de 
Stat, 87 

James I, grants Main waring 
a pardon, 30-1 ; sends 
English squadron into the 
Mediterranean, xi, 41 et 
sqq. ; orders Main waring to 
postpone his departure for 
Venice, 44 ; Venetian 
request to, for the loan of 
warships, 58 ; Sir H. 
Wotton's letter to, 59 ; un- 
able to grant the Venetian 
request, 62 ; mobilises part 
of the fleet, 62 ; loth to 
abandon his Mediterranean 
project, 66 ; thanks of the 
Venetian government to, 67 ; 
success of his policy, 67 ; 
anxiety over the Spanish 
match, 100 ; letter to the 
Prince and Buckingham, 
102-3 ; fondness for fish, 
104 ; urgent request for the 
fleet to sail for Spain, 104 ; 
anxious for the return of 
the Prince, 106 ; letter to 
the Navy Commissioners, 
107 ; visits Rutland's fleet, 
109 ; delighted with his re- 
ception, 109 ; naval activity 


during the latter part of 
his reign, 130-3 ; interest 
in the Navy, 133-4 ' strength 
of the Navy at his death, 
135 ; mentioned, 31, 216 

James, Jonas, 301 

Jermyn, Lord, at Jersey, 
316-7 ; plot to deliver the 
Channel Islands over to 
France, 319-20 

Jersey, arrival of the Prince 
of Wales in, 312 ; rejoicings 
in, 314-5 ; arrival of Lord 
Digby at, 315 ; defences 
strengthened, 316 ; Prince of 
Wales leaves, 317 ; royalist 
exiles in, 318 ; plot to 
deliver to the French, 319- 
320 ; fortifications, 321 ; 
efforts to capture, by the 
Parliamentarians, 321-2 ; 
expedition against, aban- 
doned, 323 ; Main waring 
leaves, 324 

Jesuit emissaries, precautions 
against them landing in 
England, 75 

Jewell, Captain William, 200 

Johnson, Captain Benjamin, 
in fleet of 1636, 234 

Johnson, Bernard, the King's 
engineer, surveys Dover 
Castle, 129 ; account of, 
129 n. 

Johnson, Phillip, 285 

Joliffe, Master gunner, 171 

Juliers, siege of, 1610, 6 

KEMP, Ned, of Dover, 80 
Kent, 80, 285 

Kerby, Robert, mutiny of, 
1 88 ; pardoned, 189 n. 




Ketches, 281 

Kettleby, Captain Thomas, 
impresses men for Rhe, 169 ; 
commands Victory in Rhe 
expedition, 171 ; in Rochelle 
expedition, 190, 200 ; in 
fleet of 1636, 235 ; in fleet 
of 1637, 254 

Killegrew, Sir Peter, 309 
King Road, pirates in, 7 
King, Thomas, mariner, 296 
King, Captain William, peti- 
tions the King for the island 
of Fernando do Noronha, 
209-1 1 ; member of the 
Virginia Company, 209 n. 
Kinsale, Prince Rupert at, 

Kirke, Captain Lewis, in fleet of 

16 35. 231 ." in fleet of 1636, 
235 ; in fleet of 1637, 254 

Kirke, Captain Thomas, com- 
mands Swallow in fleet of 

1636, 234 ; in fleet of 1637, 
245 ; in fleet of 1638, 263 

Kyme, Captain, 221 

LA FLOTTE, surrender of, 172 
Lambert, John, in fleet of 1640, 

288 ; in fleet of 1641, 291 n. 
Lancaster, Sir James, 298 
Land's End, 232, 241, 244, 259 
Laud, Archbishop, 233 
Laughton, Mr. L. G. Carr, xvi 
Leigh, near Southend, Turkish 

pirates at, 31 
Leith. 269, 275 
Leland, John, 2 
Lemoz, Caspar de, 211 
Levant, 31, 38 
Levant Company, 31 
Lewkenor, Sir Lewis, Master of 
the Ceremonies, 92, 93 


Liddiard, Captain, commands 
Charles in the Rh6 expedi- 
tion, 172 

Limehouse, 167 

Lindsey, Earl of, commands 
expedition to Spain, 145 ; 
failure of, 145-6 ; on Special 
Naval Commission, 146, 157 ; 
Vice- Admiral in the Rh< ex- 
pedition, 171 ; commands 
expedition for Rochelle, 199- 
200 ; arrival at Rochelle, 
201 ; difficulties encountered, 
201 ; the King's instructions 
to, 201 ; attack on Rochelle, 
202-3 ; failure of, 204 ; 
commands first ship-money 
fleet, 2301 ; voyage of, 
232-3 J effect of his fleet, 
233 ; commands troops for 
Scotland, 269, 273 

Lindsey, Captain Peter, in 
fleet of 1635, 231 ; in fleet of 
1636, 235 

Ling, 104, 249 

Lionello, of the Venetian Em- 
bassy, interviews Main- 
waring, 37 

Lisbon, 26 

Lizard, The, 259 

Loix, Island of, 181 n. 

London, mentioned, 29, 103 ; 
port of, 31 

Loseley, Surrey, 3, 4, 215 n. 

Love, Sir Thomas, Captain of 
the Antelope, 102 ; in Cadiz 
expedition, 142, 144 ; on 
Special Naval Commission, 
146 ; early career of, 147 

Lubeck, 12, 30 

Lumley, Viscount, 209 

Lynch, Anthony, merchant, 13 

Lynch, Anthony, recusant, 
arrested, 75 




MAAS, 264 

Macklin, Sir John, in Jersey, 

3i8, 324 

Madrid, journey of the Prince 
of Wales to, 91-3 ; sojourn 
in, in 

Magellan, Straits of, 147 
Maidstone, court house at, 85-6 
Mainwaring, Anne, 3 
Mainwaring, Sir Arthur, 2 
Mainwaring, Sir Arthur, 
brother of Henry, member 
of the Virginia Company, 76 ; 
petitions the King for the 
island of Fernando do 
Noronha, 209-11 ; death of, 

Mainwaring, Sir George, father 

of Sir Henry, 3, 335 
Mainwaring, George, owner of 

the Ann Adam, 42 
Mainwaring, Lady Grissell, 


Mainwaring, Hawkyn, 2 
Mainwaring, Sir Henry, his 
career typical of the sea life of 
the period, vii ; significance 
of, viii-ix ; piracy of, x-xi ; 
Venetian services of, xii ; 
Lieutenant of Dover Castle, 
xii ; service in the Royal 
Navy, xii-xv ; takes the 
side of the King during the 
Civil War, xv ; his Dis- 
course of Pirates, xvi ; fre- 
quently confused with others 
of the same name, xvi ; 
chronological table of life of, 
xxi-xxii ; birth, 3 ; enters 
Brasenose College, 4 ; B.A., 
1602, 5 ; student of the 
Inner Temple, 5 ; pupil of 
John Davies of Hereford, 5 ; 
his epigram on Mainwaring, 


6 ; promised captaincy of 
St. Andrew's Castle, 6 ; 
commission against the 
pirates, 7 ; decides to accom- 
pany Sir R. Shirley to Persia, 
8 ; Davies writes farewell 
ode to, 8 ; prevented by the 
Spanish ambassador, 9 ; 
purchases the Resistance and 
turns pirate, n ; captures 
Spanish ships, 12 ; at 
Mamora, 12-14 ; Spain en- 
deavours to enlist his ser- 
vices, 13-14 ; offers from the 
Duke of Florence, 14-15 ; 
fame on the Irish coast, 15 ; 
Sir William Monson imper- 
sonates him there, 15-19 ; 
Dey of Tunis anxious to come 
to terms with, 19 ; at New- 
foundland, 19-21 ; per- 
suades Sir R. Whitbourne to 
negotiate a pardon, 20 ; re- 
turn from Newfoundland, 
25 ; defeats Spanish war- 
ships, 26 ; Spanish offers 
to, 267 ; French issue 
letters of reprisal against, 
29 ; James I offers him a 
pardon, 29 ; on Irish coast, 
30 ; Irishmen anxious to 
enlist under him, 30 ; ar- 
rives in Dover Harbour, 30 ; 
one of his ships detained, 30 ; 
purchases another, 30 ; 
pardoned, 30-1 ; captures a 
Turkish pirate in the Thames, 
31-2; commissioned to build 
pinnace for Lord Zouch, 32 ; 
entertained by Zouch at 
Dover, 33 ; appointed a 
Gentleman of the Bed - 
chamber, 34 ; Gondomar's 
conversation with, 36 ; 




Venetian request to hire 
English merchant ships, 37 ; 
Venetian Ambassador's ne- 
gotiations with, 38 ; Gon- 
domar objects to him enter- 
ing the Venetian service, 
39-40 ; sued by Gondomar 
for 80,000 ducats, 40 ; 
James I recommends, to the 
Venetian Republic, 40-1 ; 
prevented by Gondomar, 42 ; 
determines to embark in 
a private capacity, 43 ; 
knighted, 43 ; ordered by 
James I to postpone his 
departure, 44 ; writes a 
discourse on piracy and pre- 
sents it to James, 46 ; leaves 
for Venice, 46 ; adventures 
en route, 46-7 ; entertained 
by the Duke of Savoy, 47 ; 
reaches Venice, 47 ; . con- 
versation with Gondomar, 
48-9 ; Sir H. Wotton's 
audiences with the Doge 
concerning Mainwaring, 48- 
49 ; Donate 's report on 
Gondomar's conversation, 
49-5 ' Wotton's account 
of, 50 ; account of his 
services on behalf of the 
Venetian Republic, 51 ; his 
paper on the value of large 
and small ships in naval 
warfare, 51-6 ; undertakes 
to supply ships and seamen 
for Venice, 56 ; entrusted 
with a mission to James I, 
57 ; endeavours to loan 
English warships, 57 ; leaves 
Venice, 57 ; entrusted with 
letters from Sir H. Wotton, 
58 ; adventures en route, 
58 ; reaches England, 58 ; 


interview with James at 
Newmarket, 58 ; Wotton's 
opinion of, 60-1 ; unable to 
loan warships, 62 ; sug- 
gestion to Buckingham re- 
garding the Spanish menace, 
65-6 ; thanked by the 
Venetian government, 68 ; 
appointed Lieutenant of 
Dover Castle, 69-70 ; thanks 
Lord Zouch, 70-1 ; his zeal, 
72 ; endeavours to improve 
the defences of Dover Castle, 
72, 77; receives Gondomar at 
Dover, 73-4 ; Gondomar's 
jest with, 74 ; asks Zouch 
for books, 74-5 ; precautions 
against spies, 75 ; member 
of the Virginia Company, 76 ; 
Wotton visits, 77 ; letter 
on a sonnet of Wotton's, 78 ; 
visits London in order to 
obtain supplies for Dover, 
79. 83-5 ; opposition of the 
Mayor of Dover to, 80 ; made 
a freeman of Dover, 80 ; 
elected M.P. for Dover, 81 ; 
reports the wreck of the 
Ark Noah, 81 ; opposition of 
the Serjeant of the Admiralty 
of the Cinque Ports to, 82-3 ; 
visit to Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, 84 ; dedicates a copy 
of The Seaman's Dictionary 
to the Archbishop, 85 n. ; 
account of the Huguenots 
at Dover, 86-7 ; orders a 
census of those in the Cinque 
Ports, 87-8 ; visits Margate, 
88-9 ; difficulties of im- 
pressing seamen from the 
Cinque Ports, 89 ; fines 
French fishermen, 90 ; es- 
corts the Ambassador 




Boischot from Calais, 91-3 ; 
letter to Zouch, 93 ; re- 
commended for service in 
the fleet to fetch the Prince 
home from Spain, 94-5 ; 
accused by Zouch of neglect- 
ing his office, 96-7 ; asked 
to resign, 96 ; reply to 
Zouch's charges, 97-9 ; dis- 
missed from Dover, 100 ; 
appointed captain of the 
Prince Royal, 100-2 ; as- 
sumes command of the fleet 
during Rutland's absence, 
104-6, 107 ; illness of, 107-8 ; 
letter to Con way, 107-8 ; 
receives James I on board 
the Prince Royal, 109 ; fleet 
sails, 109 ; arrival at San- 
tander, 112 ; leaves San- 
tander, 114 ; lands with the 
Prince on St. Mary's Island, 
115 ; arrival at Portsmouth, 
116; remuneration for the 
voyage, 116; efforts of the 
Prince to restore him to 
Dover, 117-8 ; the Prince's 
opinion of, 119; Zouch re- 
fuses to restore him, 120 ; 
dedicates a copy of his 
Seaman's Dictionary to 
Zouch, 121 ; instructions for 
the droit gatherers of the 
Cinque Ports, 123-4 ' pro- 
hibited from holding any 
office in the Ports, 124 ; 
stands as M.P. for Dover, 
124-5 ; unsuccessful, 125 ; 
petition about Dover election, 
125-7 ' Zouch's agreement 
with Buckingham concern- 
ing, 128-9 advises Buck- 
ingham on naval matters, 
132 ; dedicates his Seaman's 


Dictionary to Buckingham, 
134 ; his proportions for 
masts and yards, 136 ; paper 
on Portsmouth as a naval 
base, 136-40 ; his advice 
acted upon, 140-1 ; on 
Special Naval Commission, 
146 ; acting Surveyor of the 
Navy, 148 ; surveys the 
King's ships, 148-9 ; at 
Chatham, Woolwich, and 
Deptford, 149 ; at Rochester, 
150 ; attends meeting of 
the Special Commission at 
the Star Chamber, 152-3 ; 
raises question of a dock 
at Portsmouth, 158 ; scheme 
approved, 159 ; attends last 
meeting of the Special Com- 
mission, 161 n. ; super- 
intends the manning and 
equipment of the fleet for 
Rhe, 164-5 ; difficulties en- 
countered, 165 ; accom- 
panies the King to the Isle 
of Wight, 165 ; letter to 
Buckingham regarding the 
fleet for Rh6, 166-9 ; 
appointed a commissioner 
for the sale of prize goods, 
170 ; opinion regarding the 
armament of the fleet, 171 ; 
instructed by the King to 
assume charge of reinforce- 
ments and supplies for Rhe, 
174-5 ; at Plymouth, 175 ; 
his letters to Nicholas, 176-7 ; 
highly commended, 177-8 ; 
reports lack of victuals, 179- 
180 ; helps to prepare fleet 
for Rochelle, 182 ; surveys 
merchant ships, 182 ; diffi- 
culties of finding sufficient 
seamen, 182 ; conference at 




Trinity House, 182 ; ap- 
pointed to the Council of 
War, 183-4 ' letter to Buck- 
ingham regarding Rochelle 
expedition, 185-8 ; helps to 
quell mutiny at Plymouth, 
1 88 ; prepares relief ships for 
Rochelle, 192-3 ; audience 
with Buckingham, 194 ; pay- 
ment for his services, 204 ; 
wooing of a wealthy widow, 
207-9 ; petitions the King 
for the grant of Fernando do 
Noronha, 209-11 ; petition 
granted, 211 ; failure to 
settle on, 212 ; romantic 
marriage of, 213-5 ; Master 
of Trinity House, 215 ; pre- 
sents discourse to Sir J. 
Coke on the Sowe fishery, 
216 ; accompanies the King 
on a tour of inspection, 219 ; 
appointed on a commission 
to survey the King's ships, 
221-2 ; death of his wife, 
222 n. ; commands Unicorn 
in the fleet of 1636, 234 ; 
lack of seamen for, 238 ; 
detained in the Downs, 240 ; 
joins the fleet off the Lizard, 
240 ; at Portsmouth, 245 ; 
evidence regarding the de" 
fects in the fleet, 247-50 ; 
captain of the Unicorn in 
the fleet of 1637, 2 53~4. 2 5& '> 
appointed for the winter 
guard of the seas, 260 ; 
journey to Dieppe to fetch 
the French Ambassador, 
260-1 ; injured, 262 ; ap- 
pointed to the Charles in the 
fleet of 1638, 262 ; tries 
for the Surveyorship of the 
Navy, 265 ; unsuccessful, 


266 ; appointed Vice- 
Admiral in the fleet of 1639, 
268 ; convoys troops to 
Scotland, 269 ; receives 
Scottish prisoners, 271 ; 
conveys them to Gravesend, 
272-4 ; letters to Winde- 
bank, 273-4 ; joins the fleet 
in the Downs, 275 ; meets 
the Spanish and Dutch fleets, 

276 ; his proceedings with, 

277 ; letter to Sir J. Penning - 
ton, 278 ; negotiations with 
Tromp, 280, 283 ; account 
of the defeat of the Spanish 
fleet, 283-5 ; appointed to 
the Charles in the fleet of 
1640, 287-8 ; deprived of 
his command, 291 ; chosen 
Master of the Trinity House, 
295 ; account of his con- 
nection with, 295-302 ; dis- 
missed by the Parliament, 

302 ; outbreak of the Civil 
War, 302 ; joins the royal- 
ists at Oxford, 302 ; created 
a Doctor of Physic, 302 ; 
his Seaman's Dictionary 
published by the Parliament, 

303 ; object of the book, 
33~5 .' accompanies the 
Prince of Wales to the West 
of England, 305 ; appointed 
to command the St. George, 
306 ; his ship detained by 
the governor of Pendennis 
for the defence of that 
Castle, 307-9 ; joins Prince 
of Wales in Scilly, 310 ; 
arrives with the Prince in 
Jersey, 312 ; poverty of, in 
exile, 313 ; instructs the 
Prince in the rudiments of 
seamanship, 313-4 ,* de- 




clines to accompany the 
Prince into France, 318 ; 
leaves Jersey, 324 ; joins the 
revolted ships in Holland, 
326 ; commands the Ante- 
lope, 327 ; his ship dis- 
mantled, 332 ; warrant to 
pay him 300 guineas, 333 ; 
returns to England, 334 ; 
compounds for his estate, 
336-8 ; death and burial, 

Mainwaring, Sir John, 2 
Mainwaring, Margaret, 2 
Mainwaring, Sir Randle, 3 
Mainwaring, Sir Richard, 2 
Mainwaring, Thomas, younger 
brother of Sir Henry, member 
of the Virginia Company, 

Mainwaring, William, i, 2 
Mainwaring. See also Mesnil- 


Malaga, Straits of, 31 
Mamora, English pirates at, 
9 ; Mainwaring at, 12-4 ; 
Spanish plans to capture, 
23-4 ; its capture by Fa- 
jardo, 24-5 
Mansell, Sir Robert, 133, 147, 


Manty, Admiral de, 231 
Marbery, Captain Anthony, in 
Rochelle expedition, 190, 
200 ; charged with cow- 
ardice, 202 n. 
Margate, damage done by the 

sea at, 88-9 ; pier, 89 
Marlborough, Earl of, on 
Special Naval Commission, 

Marseilles, 20 

Marsh, Gabriel, Marshal of 
the Admiralty, 167 


Marsh, Richard, Clerk of Dover 
Castle, 97-8 ; statement 
against Mainwaring, 118 ; 
Zouch's agreement with 
Buckingham concerning, 128 

Marten, Sir Henry, Judge of the 
Admiralty Court, 227, 297 

Mason, Captain, 197 

Masts, sizes, 136 

Maynwaring. See Mainwaring 

Medina, Duke of, his offer 
to Mainwaring, 14 

Mediterranean, England's 

policy in, ix ; piracy in, 
9, 26 ; Spanish fleet in, 
35-6 ; English squadron in, 
41 ; English fleet to enter, 
63-4 ; expedition to, aban- 
doned, 67-8 ; mentioned, 

137. 2 97 

Medway, 148 

Mennes, Sir John, in fleet of 
I 635, 231 ; in fleet of 1636, 
234 ; in fleet of 1637, 254 ; 
in fleet of 1638, 263 ; in 
fleet of 1639, 269 ; in expedi- 
tion to Scotland, 280, 287 n.; 
refuses to surrender to the 
Parliament, 294 

Mervin, Sir Henry, in Rh6 
expedition, 178 n., 179, 180, 
181 ; Rear- Admiral in fleet 
of 1636, 235 ; distributes 
licences to Dutch fishermen, 
243 ; Rear- Admiral in fleet 
of 1637, 254, 256 ; Rear- 
Admiral in fleet of 1638, 
262 ; refuses command in 
fleet of 1639, 268 ; demands 
of, 268 n. ; mentioned, 188, 
206, 221, 225, 247, 293 

Mesnilwarin, Ranulphus de, 
i n. 

Messina, 63, 66 




Michielini, of the Venetian 
Embassy, interview with 
Mainwaring, 37 

Milan, 46 

Milles, Lieut. -Colonel, 271 

Minions, 52-4 ; 297, 299, 301 

Monson, Sir William, uses 
Mainwaring's name to cap- 
ture a pirate's stronghold on 
the Irish coast, 15-19 ; thinks 
Chatham the safest base 
for the fleet, 140 n. ; Vice- 
Admiral in fleet of 1635, 

Montague, Captain James, in 
fleet of 1635, 231 

Montgomery, Earl of, 41, 60, 

Montrose, Marquis of, 333 

More, Sir George, of Loseley, 
215 n. 

More, Sir William, of Loseley, 


Morley, Lord, Vice-Admiral in 
fleet of 1623, 102, 116 

Morocco, Emperor of, 29 

Morosini, Venetian Ambas- 
sador, 26 

Morter, Peter, 87 

Morton, Earl of, Vice-Admiral 
in Rochelle expedition, 200 

Murray, Captain David, in 
fleet of 1636, 235 ; in fleet 
of 1637, 254 ; in fleet of 
1638, 263 ; in fleet of 1639, 
269 ; in fleet of 1640, 288 ; 
in fleet of 1641, 291 n. 

Murray, Sir David, 318, 324 

NAPLES, Spanish Viceroy 

at, 35 
Narrow Seas, right of fishery 

in, 215-6, 218; Admiralty 


of, claimed by Sir H. Mervin, 
268 n. ; mentioned, 219, 227 

Naunton, Sir Robert, recom- 
mends Mainwaring as cap- 
tain of the Prince Royal, 95 

Naval Art, Mainwaring's paper 
on the relative value of 
large and small ships in 
naval warfare, 51-6 

Naval Commission of 1618, 
130-1, 143 

Naval Commission of 1626-7, 
proceedings of, 146-60 

Naval ordnance. See Guns and 

Naval punishments, 105 n.- 
106 n. 

Navy, English, Venetian 
request to loan English war- 
ships, 57-62 ; refused, 62 ; 
mobilised against possibility 
of Spanish invasion, 62-3 ; 
to enter the Mediterranean, 
63-4 ; lack of money to fit 
out, 65 ; expedition against 
the pirates postponed, 67 ; 
services not seriously requisi- 
tioned during reign of 
James, 133 ; Spanish fear 
of, 133 ; Mainwaring sug- 
gests Portsmouth as a base 
for, 13640 ; abuses in, 
143-4 ; Charles I appoints 
Special Commission to 
inquire into, 146-60 ; chaos 
and fraud in adminis- 
trative departments of, 152 ; 
majority of fleet unsea- 
worthy, 154 ; fraudulent 
dealing by the Commis- 
sioners of, 154-5 ; rates of 
pay for officers and men, 
159 ; Charles urged to devote 
the revenue of the subsidies 




to, 1 60 ; fleet for the con- 
stant guard of the seas 
suggested, 160 ; Parliament 
refuses supplies for, 161, 
205 ; summary of Bucking- 
ham's administration of, 
1989 ; inquiry into the 
state of, 219 ; interest of 
Charles I in, 219-20 ; survey 
of, 1633, 224 ; defects in 
1636, 246-7 ; efforts of 
Charles I to raise a naval 
force, 292-3 ; revolts to the 
Parliament, 294 ; several 
join the royalists, 327 ; at 
Helvoetsluys, 327 et sqq. 
See also Cadiz, Rh<, Rochelle, 

Navy, Commissioners of the, 
103, 107 ; frauds and abuses 
by, 154-5 ; mentioned, 165, 

Newcastle, 271, 272, 273, 290 

Newcomb, Sir Beverley, in 
Cadiz expedition, 142 

Newcome, John, in fleet of 
1638, 263 

Newfoundland, English pirates 
at, 19-23 ; Mainwaring at, 
19-21, 25 ; mentioned, 31 

Newhall, Essex, 92 

Newman, G., 208 

Newman, Sir George, Ad- 
miralty Judge of the Cinque 
Ports, 98 

Newmarket, 58, 66 

Newport, Earl of, Rear- 
Admiral in the Rochelle 
expedition, 200 ; allows 
Spaniards to purchase 
gunpowder, 280 

Newport, Captain Christopher, 
voyage to Persia, 9 ; account 
of, 9 n. 

Nicholas, Sir Edward, Secre- 
tary to the Admiralty, &c., 
account of, 74 n. ; Main- 
waring's letter to, regarding 
reinforcements for Rhe, 176 ; 
expedites relief ships for 
Rochelle, 192 ; at the Hague, 
333 ; mentioned, 129, 219 

Nicholls, William, 285 

Normandy, 47 

Noronha, Fernando do, island 
named after, 211-2. See 
also Fernando do Noronha 

Norreys, Thomas, Surveyor of 
the Navy, 148 ; fraudulent 
dealing by, 155 

North Foreland, 32, 257 

Northumberland, Earl of, com- 
mands fleet of 1636, 234 ; 
instructions to, 235-8 ; sails, 
238 ; capture of Dutch priva- 
teer by, 239 ; voyage of, 
239-45 ; list of defects in 
his fleet, 246-7 ; Lord High 
Admiral, 246 n. ; Lords of 
the Admiralty displeased 
with, 250-1 ; commands 
fleet of 1637, 2 54 > joins his 
flagship, 257 ; voyage of, 
257-60 ; illness, 262 ; in- 
structions to Pennington, 
275, 279, 281 ; mentioned, 
290, 293 

Nottingham, Earl of, Lord 
High Admiral, 7 ; his flag- 
ship, 64 

Nowell, Dean, 5 

Noy, Attorney-General, 227 

OGLANDER, Sir John, Deputy 
Governor of the Isle of 
Wight, 3, 148 ; his opinion of 
Mainwaring, 148 n., 164 




Oleron, Isle of, 172 n. 
Olivares, Spanish Prime 

Minister, in 
Oppenheim, Mr. M., quoted, 


Oquendo, Antonio de, com- 
mands Spanish fleet, 1639, 
276 ; sails from Corunna, 
276 ; off Plymouth, 276 ; 
engaged by de With and 
Tromp, 276-9 ; seeks shelter 
in the Downs, 279 ; narra- 
tive of his defeat by Tromp, 

Orinoco, 147 

Orlop, 156, 157 

Ortegal, Cape, 112 

Ossuna, Duke of, Spanish 
Viceroy at Naples, plot 
against Venice, 35, 45, 48, 57 

Oxford, royalist forces at, 
302 ; Prince of Wales leaves, 

PALMER, Sir Henry, Captain 
of the Rainbow, 102 ; brings 
provisions to Rlie", 176 ; 
Vice- Admiral in Rochelle 
expedition, 190 

Pardoe, Captain, 200 

Parker, Captain Nicholas, in 
Rochelle expedition, 190 

Parliament, The, declare ship- 
money illegal, 291-2 ; 
appoint Warwick Lord High 
Admiral, 293 ; revolt of 
the Navy to, 294 ; ask 
Trinity House for a loan, 
301 ; dissolve charter of 
Trinity House, 302 ; efforts 
to reduce Jersey, 321-3 

Parr, Roger, Clerk to the Navy 
Commissioners, examined 


before the Special Com- 
mission, 154 

Parramour, Captain Richard, 
in fleet of 1635, 231 

Peacham's Compleat Gentle- 
man quoted, 4 

Pecker, George, 271 

Pembroke, Earl of, on Special 
Naval Commission, 146 

Pendennis Castle, 239 ; Prince 
of Wales at, 306-7 ; be- 
sieged by the Parliament, 
307 ; Mainwaring's ship 
assists in the defence of, 
307-8 ; besieged by land 
and sea, 308-9 ; summoned 
to surrender, 309 ; refusal, 
310 ; provisions for, 315 ; 
surrender of, 319 

Pennington, Sir John, on 
Special Naval Commission, 
146-8, 159 ; commands Lion 
in the Rhe expedition, 172 ; 
Buckingham's instructions 
to, 172 n. ; expedites relief 
ships for Rochelle, 192; 
Admiral for the guard of 
the Narrow Seas, 224 ; Rear- 
Admiral in the fleet of 1635, 
230-1 ; Vice-Admiral in fleet 
of 1636, 235, 238 ; detained 
in the Downs through lack 
of seamen, 240 ; distributes 
licences to Dutch fishermen, 
243 ; Vice-Admiral in fleet 
of 1637, 254, 256, 260 ; 
Admiral in the fleet of 
1638, 262-5 ; offered sur- 
vey orship of the Navy, 
266 n. ; Admiral of the fleet 
in 1639, 268 ; convoys troops 
to Scotland, 269 ; blockade 
of Scotland by, 270 ; Main- 
waring's letter to, 271 ; in 




the Downs, 275 ; the Spanish 
and Dutch fleets in the 
Downs, 276 ; Mainwaring's 
letter to, concerning, 278 ; 
Northumberland's instruc- 
tions to, 279 ; list of fleet 
under his command, 280 n. ; 
proceedings with the Spanish 
and Dutch fleets, 280-3 ; 
his account of the defeat 
of the Spaniards, 283-5 ; 
Admiral of the fleet in 
1640, 287-8 ; capture of 
Scottish merchantmen by, 
288-9 ; arrival in the Forth, 
290 ; ineffectual blockade 
of Scotland, 290 ; with- 
drawal of his fleet, 291 ; 
commands the fleet of 1641, 
291 ; viewed with suspicion 
by the Parliament, 292 ; 
removed from his command, 
293 ; mentioned, 218, 219, 
225, 247, 299, 300 

Penniwick, Alexander, 271 

Pennycomequicke, 308, 309 

Penruddock, Captain Anthony, 
in fleet of 1635, 231 

Penryn, 309 

Peover, Cheshire, i 

Pepys, Samuel, 312 

Perraulx, 315 

Persia, Sir R. Shirley's embassy 
from, 7-9 

Petersfield, 323 

Pett, Captain John, in Rochelle 
expedition, 200 

Pett, Phineas, builds pinnace 
for Lord Zouch, 32 ; ap- 
pointed to the Prince Royal, 
103 ; his Autobiography 
quoted, 104, 109, 113, 116 ; 
visits Portsmouth, 141-2 ; 
on Special Naval Commis- 


sion, 146, 152, 154 ; early 
career of, 147 ; surveys the 
King's ships, 148-9 ; ap- 
pointed chief shipwright, 
158 n. ; entertains Charles I 
at Woolwich, 219 ; men- 
tioned, 134, 156, 300 

Pett, Captain William, in fleet 
of 1638, 263 

Peyton, Sir Henry, enters 
Venetian service, 41 ; com- 
mands ships and troops for 
Venice, 42 ; sails from 
Gravesend, 44 ; arrival in 
the Adriatic, 45 ; account 
of, 56 

Piracy, a school for seaman- 
ship, x 

Pirates, English, on the Bar- 
bary coast, 9-14 ; in the 
Mediterranean, 9, 26 ; on 
the Irish coast, 15-19 ; at 
Newfoundland, 19-23 ; Main- 
waring presents discourse 
on, to James I, 46 

Pirates, Turkish, attacks on 
English shipping, 31 ; cap- 
tured by Mainwaring in the 
Thames, 31-2 ; English 
expedition against, 80 ; on 
Dorset coast, 264 

Plumleigh, Captain, in Rochelle 
expedition, 200, 202 

Plymouth, defenceless state 
of, 65 ; ships from, to carry 
reinforcements for Rh6, 174, 
178, 1 80 ; death of 500 
seamen at, 181 ; ships for 
Rochelle at, 184-5 ; mutiny 
of seamen at, 188 ; fleet for 
Rochelle leaves, 190 ; Spanish 
fleet off, 276 ; mentioned, 
204, 232, 256, 259 

Plymouth Sound, 109, 111,241 




Poor John, 104 

Popham, Captain Edward, in 
fleet of 1637, 2 55 m ^ eet 
of 1639, 269, 280 n., 285 ; 
in fleet of 1640, 288 
Porter, Endymion, 92, 93, 214 
Porter, Captain Thomas, in 
Cadiz expedition, 142 ; im- 
presses men for Rh6, 169 ; 
commands Warspite in Rlie" 
expedition, 172 ; in fleet 
of 1635, 231 ; in fleet of 
1636, 235 

Portland," 240, 275, 338 
Portsmouth, Earl of Rutland's 
fleet at, 104-9 ; dock at, 
136 ; Mainwaring's sugges- 
tion regarding it as a naval 
base, 13640 ; estimates for 
a dock there, 140-1 ; project 
deferred, 141 ; Teredo Navalis 
at, 141 ; dry -dock started at, 
142 ; naval base during the 
Dutch wars, 142 ; Main- 
waring's scheme for a dock 
approved, 158-9 ; Rh6 expe- 
dition assembles at, 170 ; 
Charles I at, 170 ; necessity 
of a dock at, 183 ; fleet for 
Rochelle at, 195 ; visit of 
Charles I to, 196 ; Bucking- 
ham at, 196 ; mutiny of 
seamen at, 197; Bucking- 
ham murdered at, 198 ; 
return of the Rochelle fleet 
to, 205 ; naval stores at, 
exhausted, 205 ; mentioned, 
224, 230, 245, 323 
Portsmouth, Mayor of, 141 
Poulett, Lord, in fleet of 

1635, 231 

Povey, Captain John, in 
Rochelle expedition, 200 ; 
in fleet of 1635, 231 ; in 


fleet of 1636, 235 ; in fleet 
of 1637, 2 54 1 in fleet of 

1638, 263 ; Rear-Admiral 
in fleet of 1639, 269 ; Rear- 
Admiral in fleet of 1640, 
288 ; Rear- Admiral in fleet 
of 1641, 291 n. 

Powell, Captain, 200 

Press, Shropshire, 2 

Press-Masters, ill-manning of 
Navy due to, 249 

Price, Captain Thomas, in 
fleet of 1635, 231 ; in fleet 
of 1636, 235 ; in. fleet of 

1639, 269 ; in fleet of 1640, 
288 ; in fleet of 1641, 291 n. 

Primrose, Captain, 271 
Privateers, ix. 

Protestants, French. See 

QUEENBOROUGH, 103, 165, 167 

RABNETT, Thomas, Master in 
the fleet of 1637, 255 

Rainborowe, Captain Thomas, 
221 ; to command expedi- 
tion against Jersey, 321 ; 
ordered to stay his regiment, 
323 ; mutiny of his troops, 
323 ; appointed Vice- 
Admiral of the Parliament's 
fleet, 326-7 ; note on 323 n. 

Raleigh, Sir Walter, ships built 
for, 64 ; draws attention to 
the decay of the Cinque 
Ports, 69 ; mentioned, 27, 
32-3, 137, 147 

Ramsey, Andrew, 271 

Rattray, Dr., account of Fer- 
nando do Noronha, 212 

Raven, Dr., wooing of, 207-8 




Reading, John, Rector of St. 
Mary's, Dover, 86-7 

Red Nore, Sussex, 121 

Rhe, Isle of, expedition to, 
xiii ; fleet for, 164 ; diffi- 
culties of, 165 ; lack of 
seamen for, 166-8 ; money 
for, 170 ; fleet and troops 
assemble at Portsmouth, 

170 ; inspected by the King, 
170-1 ; guns for, 171 ; expe- 
dition leaves Stokes Bay, 

171 ; landing effected at, 

172 ; siege of St. Martin's, 

173 ; ships encompass, 173 ; 
Mainwaring in charge of 
reinforcements and supplies 
for, 173-5 ; arrival of pro- 
visions, 176 ; Buckingham 
decides to make a final 
effort to capture the fort 
of St. Martin's, 177 ; Main- 
waring's efforts to hasten 
reinforcements to, 178 ; lack 
of victuals in the relief 
ships for, 179-80 ; relief 
ships driven back, 180 ; 
Buckingham storms the fort, 
181 ; failure of, 181 ; with- 
drawal and embarkation 
from, 1 8 1 

Rhine, 58 

Ribera, Francisco de, com- 
mands Spanish squadron 
against Venice, 35-6 ; with- 
draws his fleet, 45 

Rice, Captain Anthony, in 
Rochelle expedition, 190 

Richelieu, Cardinal de, his 
efforts to make France a 
prominent naval power, 
163-4 ' determined to crush 
Huguenots at Rochelle, 164 ; 
negotiations with Charles I, 


203 ; considers Rochelle im- 
pregnable, 203 ; surrender 
of Rochelle to, 204 ; orders 
the French fleet to the 
Bay of Biscay, 232 
Rochelle, Huguenots at, 164 ; 
Charles I determines to 
relieve, 182 ; fleet for, 182 ; 
provisions from England for, 
182 ; expedition delayed, 
184 ; Mainwaring's letter 
regarding, 185-7 > nreships 
for, 187 ; lack of seamen 
for, 1 88 ; fleet sails for, 190 ; 
arrival at, 191 ; elaborate 
system of defence at, 191 ; 
attack by fireships on, 191 ; 
failure, 192 ; victualling of 
fleet for, 192 ; rumoured 
impossibility of relieving, 

193 ; fireships and corn for, 

194 ; expedition to sail under 
Buckingham, 195 ; plight 
of, 195 ; rumoured relief of, 
197 ; expedition sails under 
the command of the Earl 
of Lindsey, 199-200 ; arrival 
at, 20 1 ; feeble attack on, 
201-2 ; Richelieu considers 
impregnable, 203 ; surrender 
of, 204 ; return of fleet 
from, 205 ; French fleet at 
Rochelle in 1636, 238 

Rochester, adventure of Prince 
Charles at, 92 ; survey of 
Navy at, 148-9 ; Mainwaring 
at, 165 ; Charles I at, 219 ; 
mentioned, 137 

Rochester, John, 285 

Rochford, Viscount, afterwards 
Earl of Dover, 98 n. 

Rockwell, Thomas, in fleet of 
1639. 285 ; in fleet of 1640, 
288 ; in fleet of 1641, 291 n. 




Romney Marsh, 87 

Rosewell, George, 330 

Rotterdam, 328 

Rouen, 75, 320 

Rupert, Prince, joins revolted 
ships at Helvoetsluys, 327 ; 
appointed to command, 332 ; 
sails from Helvoetsluys, 332 ; 
arrival at Kinsale, 332 ; 
prizes taken by, 333 ; leaves 
Kinsale, 334 

Russell, Sir William, Treasurer 
of the Navy, 146, 152, 159 n., 
161, 182, 224 

Rutland, Earl of, Admiral of 
the fleet to bring Prince 
Charles home from Spain, 
95, TOO, 101, 102 ; joins 
fleet in the Downs, 103 ; 
letter to Con way, 103-4 ' 
fleet arrives at Stokes Bay, 
104 ; injured by a fall, 104 ; 
letter of Mainwaring to, 
105-6 ; sickness in his fleet, 
106 ; comes to London, 107 ; 
at Portsmouth, 109 ; fleet 
sails, 109 ; detained at 
Plymouth, no ; arrival at 
Santander, 112; leaves 
Spain, 114; arrival of his 
fleet at Portsmouth, 116 ; 
mentioned, 133 

Rye, foreigners in, 88 ; mayor 
of, 90; fishery of, 216-7; 
decay of, 217-8 

ST. ANDREW'S Castle, Hants, 6 

St. Aubin's Bay, 314 

St. Dunstan in the West, 209 

St. Giles' Church, Camberwell, 
213, 215 n., 222 n. ; Mainwar- 
ing buried at, 338 

St. Helens, 179, 231 


St. Leger, Sir William, captain 
of the Bonaventure, 102 ; in 
Cadiz expedition, 142 

St. Lucar, 240 

St. Malo, 313, 318 

St. Marie, surrender of, 172 

St. Martin's, siege of. See Rh6 

St. Mary's Church, Dover, 
French refugees at, 86-7 

St. Mary's Creek, 103, 167 

St. Mary's Island, Scilly, 115, 
307, 310-11 

St. Mawes, 308 

St. Olave, Old Jewry, 207 

St. Paul's Cathedral, marriage 
of Mainwaring at, 214-5 

Sakers, 52-4, 297, 299 

Sallee, pirates at, 19, 252 

Sandown Castle, 327 

Sandwich, 87, 89 ; mayor of, 
90, 99 

Sandys, Sir Edwin, member of 
the Virginia Company, 127 

San Roque, Cape, 211 

Santander, no; English fleet 
at, 112-3; Prince Charles 
leaves, 114 

Sardinia, 66 

Savile, Sir John, on Special 
Naval Commission, 146 

Savoy, 47 

Savoy, Duke of, entertains 
Peter Easton, 23 ; enter- 
tains Mainwaring, 47 ; Sir 
H. Wotton appointed Am- 
bassador to, 77 

Sayes Court, Chertsey, 334 

Scantlings, 156-7 

Scarborough, 244 

Scilly Islands, 114, 115, 232, 
241 ; Prince of Wales at, 

Scotland, rebellion in 1639, 264; 
English fleet sent to, 265 ; 




failure of Hamilton's mission 
to, 266-7 ; plan to block- 
ade, 267 ; troops for, 267, 
269 ; fleet blockades, 270 ; 
prisoners taken and con- 
veyed to London, 271-4 ; 
peace with, 274 ; rebellion 
in 1640, fleet and army for, 
287 ; shipping captured, 288 ; 
petition to Charles I, 289 ; 
invasion of England by, 289- 
290 ; English fleet in the 
Forth, 290 ; ineffectual 
blockade of, 290 ; failure 
of campaign against, 290 ; 
withdrawal of English fleet, 

Sea-fight, contemporary des- 
cription of, 27-9 ; Mainwar- 
ing's paper on sea-fighting, 
51-6 ; brief instructions 
for, 1636, 235-8 

Seaman, Captain Edmond, in 
fleet of 1638, 263 ; in fleet 
of 1639, 269 

Seaman, Captain Richard, in 
fleet of 1640, 288 ; in fleet 
of 1641, 291 n. 

Seamen, English, forbidden to 
enter foreign service, ix ; 
bad treatment of, xiv-xv ; 
superiority of , 37, 54 ; wages, 
56 ; impressment of, 89, 99 ; 
enter foreign service owing 
to higher rate of pay, 99 ; 
desertion of, 106 ; bad treat- 
ment and mutiny of, 145-6 ; 
have neither money nor 
clothes, 151 ; new rates of 
pay for, 159 ; food of, 166 ; 
lack of, for the expedition 
to Rh6, 167 ; dissatisfaction 
and disease among, 181 ; 
lack of, for Rochelle, 182, 


1 86, 1 88 ; causes of mutiny 
among, 189 ; hostility to- 
wards Buckingham, 196 ; 
mutiny of, 197 ; view 
service in the King's ships 
worse than being galley- 
slaves, 206 ; numbers for 
each ship propounded by 
the Trinity House, 223 ; 
lack of, in fleet of 1636, 238, 
240, 248-9 

Sebu River, 9 

Shields, The, 272 

Ship-money fleets, significance 
and necessity of, xiv-xv, 
226-7 ' nrs t writs for, 228 ; 
Coke's instructions concern- 
ing, 228 ; list of the fleet for 
l6 35, 23 1 '' sailing of, 231 ; 
proceedings, 232-3 ; effect 
of, 233 ; writs for 1636 ex- 
tended to the whole of 
the kingdom, 233-4 > North- 
umberland appointed to 
command the fleet of 1636, 
234 ; list of, 234-5 ; instruc- 
tions to, 235-8 ; lack of sea- 
men for, 238, 240 ; sails 
from the Downs, 238 ; pro- 
ceedings of, 239-45 ; its 
presence keeps French out 
of the Channel, 246 ; issue 
of the third writs, 246 ; 
defects in the fleet of 1636, 
246-50 ; amount due under 
the third writs, 252 ; 
opinion of the judges on, 
253 ; list of the fleet for 1637, 
254-5 ; proceedings of, 256- 
260 ; moral effect of the 
fleets on the French and 
Dutch, 261 ; writs for 1638, 
261 ; opposition to, 261-2 ; 
list of the fleet for 1638, 




262-3 > Pennington ap- 
pointed to command, 262 ; 
voyage of, 263-5 ; writs for 
1639, 266 ; decrease in, 266 ; 
choice of competent com- 
manders for, 268 ; Main- 
waring appointed Vice- 
Admiral of, 268 ; list of 
fleet for 1639, 269 ; fleet 
convoys troops to Scotland, 
270 ; in the Downs, 275 ; 
engagement between Spanish 
and Dutch fleets in the 
Downs, 276 et sqq. ; 
organised resistance against 
the writs, 286 ; list of fleet 
for 1640, 288 ; Scottish 
shipping captured by, 288-9 ,' 
fail to blockade Scotland, 
290 ; withdrawal of the 
fleet from Scotland, 291 ; 
Parliament attacks ship- 
money, 291 ; the tax de- 
clared illegal, 291-2 
Ships, Royal Navy, Main war- 
ing's paper on the relative 
value of large and small ships 
in naval warfare, 51-6; 
dimensions of, 131, 223 ; pro- 
portions of masts and yards, 
136 ; number of men and guns 
for each, 223 ; not fitting to 
loan ships of the Royal Navy 
to a foreign power, 62 ; defects 
in 1626, 149-58 ; in 1636, 
246 et sqq. 
Ships named, royal : 

Adventure, 135, 149, 153, 

223, 231, 234, 247, 263 
Anne Royal, 135, 142, 144, 

149, 153, 223, 235 n., 238 
Antelope, 102, 135, 190, 223, 

231, 262 n., 269, 280 n., 

288, 327, 332 


Ships named, royal : 
Ark Royal, 64 
Assurance, 64, 135, 149, 150, 

153. 223, 235, 247 
Bear, 135, 149, 153 
Black George, 200, 247 
Bonaventure, 102, 132, 135, 

142, 144, 149, 156, 179, 

223, 234, 254, 260 n., 269, 

280 n., 291 n. 
Charles, 102, 135, 172, 223, 

235, 262, 288 
Constant Reformation, 132, 

135, 142, 149, 151, 153, 

156, 223, 231. 263, 327 
Constant Warwick, 328, 329, 


Convertive, 135, 142, 144, 
178 ., 179, 223, 234, 254, 
263, 288, 322, 327, 330 

Crescent, 327 

Defiance, 102, 113, 135, 149, 
153' 22 3- 235- 241, 247 

Desire, 135, 149 

Destiny, 64. Afterwards 

Dreadnought, 135, 142, 149, 
153, 200, 223, 247, 254, 
269, 270, 277, 280 n. 

Entrance. See Happy En- 

Esptrance, 149, 164, 172, 
191, 220 

Fortune, 263 

Garland, 132, 135, 144, 156, 
190, 200, 223, 235, 263, 
288, 291 n. 

George, 149, 190, 248 

Greyhound, 234, 255, 260 n., 
263, 264, 269, 270, 288, 
291 n. 

Happy Entrance, 132, 135, 
156, 178 n., 190, 200, 223, 
234, 263, 264, 288, 291 n. 




Ships named, royal : 
Henrietta, 149, 223, 225 
Henrietta Maria, 223, 231, 

234, 254, 269, 271-5, 277, 

280 n. 
Hind, 327 
James, 231, 235, 254, 269, 

288, 293 
Leopard, 225, 231, 263, 264, 

269, 288, 291 n. 
Lion, 231, 291 n. See also 

Red Lion 

Maria, 220, 223, 225 
Mary Rose, 132, 135, 149, 

J 53> I 57. J ?8 n., 190, 200, 

223, 231, 235, 254, 263, 

269, 288, 291 n. 
Merhonour, 135, 149, 150, 

153, 223, 231 
Moon, 135, 149, 153 
Nicodemus, 255, 263, 288, 

291 n. 
Nonsuch, 135, 149, 153, 164, 

172, 185, 190, 200, 223, 
234. 263 

Pelican, 327 
Phoenix, 135 
Prince Royal, 101-3, 106, 109, 

112-4, 135, 149, 153, 223 
Rainbow, 102, 114, 135, 142, 

149-50, 153, 164, 167, 

170-1, 185, 223, 231, 254, 

269, 275, 288, 291 n. 
Red Lion, 64, 135, 144, 149, 

151, 153, 164, 172, 223 
Reformation. See Constant 

Repulse, 135, 149, 153, 164, 

165, 167, 170-1, 223, 234, 

Roebuck, 235, 255, 263, 269, 

280 n., 288, 291 n., 327 
St. Andrew, 102, 132, 135, 

142, 157, 190, 200, 220, 


Ships named, royal : 

223, 231, 235, 248, 262, 

291 n. 

St. Claude, 191, 200 
St. Denis, 223, 247, 263 
St. George, 102, 132, 135, 142, 

144, 157, 178 n., 185, 191, 

200, 203, 220, 223, 231, 

254, 257, 263, 288 
St. James, 200 
Satisfaction, 327 

Seven Stars, 102, 114, 135 

Sovereign of the Seas, 262 n. 

Speedwell, 64 

Squirrell, 190 

Swallow, 225, 231, 234, 327 

Swan, 255, 263 

Swiftsure, 102, 132, 135, 
142, 144, 150, 156, 200, 
220, 223, 231, 254, 260 n., 

Triumph, 132, 135, 144-5, 
J 5 !57 164, 170-1, 220, 
223, 234, 244, 248, 254, 


Unicorn, 234, 245, 248, 254, 
260-2, 269, 275, 280 n., 

Vanguard, 64, 135, 144, 149, 
151, 153, 164, 165, 
167-8, 170, 172, 190, 223, 
231, 234, 254, 269 

Victory, 132, 135, 149, 153, 
156, 164-8, 170-1, 223, 
234, 262, 269, 291 n. 

Warspite, 135, 153, 164, 
167-70, 172, 220, 223 

Warwick. See Constant War- 

First Whelp, 200, 223, 231, 

255, 260 n., 263, 288 
Second Whelp, 200, 223, 235, 

255, 260 n., 261, 269, 280 n., 

2 B 




Ships named, royal : 

Third Whelp, 200, 220, 223, 

231, 269, 280 n., 288 
Fourth Whelp, 200, 223, 234 
Fifth Whelp. 200, 223, 235, 


Sixth Whelp, 200. 263 
Seventh Whelp, 200 
Eighth Whelp, 200, 220, 223, 

231, 263, 269, 288 
Ninth Whelp, 200, 223, 270 
Tenth Whelp, 200, 223, 231, 

235, 263-4, 288, 291 n., 

Ships, Merchant, strength of 

the mercantile marine, 1634, 

Ships named, merchant : 

Abigail, 43, 52, 56 

Ann Adam (Anadem), 42, 43, 
52, 56 

Anne Percy, 292 n. 

ArkNoah'Si, 118 

Barbary, 30 

Centurion, 43, 53, 56 

Confident, 262 n. 

Defence, 255 

Devil of Dunkirk, 43 

Doggerbank, 315 

Dragon, 43, 53, 56 

Eagte, 149, 297 . 

Expedition, g, 263, 269, 288, 
291 n. 

Experience, 292 . 

Fellowship, 177 

Freeman, 231 
. George and Elizabeth, 297 n. 

Golden Lion, 30 

Graz/ George, 305, 307, 310 w. 

Hector, 175-6 

Hercules (or Thomas Her- 
cules), 43, 52, 56 

Honour, 292 w. 

Hopewell, 276 


Ships named, merchant : 
Industry, 255 
/owas, 234, 297 
Jonathan, 175-6 
Joseph, 299 

Leghorn Merchant, 292 . 
LiW/e George, 309 w. 
Love, 330 
Lucy, 292 w. 
Margaret, 255 
Mary ^4we, 31 
Matthew, 43, 52, 56 
Mayflower, 255, 263, 292 M. 
Minnikin, 231 
Neptune, 234 
Paragon, 292 . 
Phoenix, 307 
Pleiades, 231, 255 
Proud Black Eagle, 311, 313, 

Providence, 263, 265, 269, 

280 w., 288, 291 w. 
Resistance, n 
Richard and Mary, 255 
Royal Exchange, 42-3, 52, 

56, 231 

Royal Prudence, 255 
Sz. Francis of Dunkirk, 315 
S/. George, 305, 310 w. 
Sampson. 231 
Silver Falcon, 32 
Squire of Aldeburgh, 301 
Thomas and Lucy, 292 w. 
Thomas Hercules. See Her- 


TVia/, 297 

1>M0 Lowe, 235, 292 . 
Unicorn, 255, 258, 269,280 ., 

292 . 

William, 255 
William and Thomas, 231 
Shipwrights, 151. 165 
Shirley, Sir Robert, arrival in 
England, 7 ; entertained by 




James I, 7 ; returns to 
Persia, 8-9 

Shoe Beacon, Essex, 121 

Sibett, John, 271 

Simonds, Captain Francis, in 
fleet of 1638, 263 

Singleton, Thomas, 5 

Skinner, Lady, 208 

Skip-worth, Ralph, 213 

Skip worth, Captain R., com- 
mands Esperance in Rh6 
expedition, 172 ; in Rochelle 
expedition, 191 

Slingsby, Captain Robert, in 
fleet of 1636, 235 ; in fleet of 
l6 37> 2 55 I in neet of 1638, 
263 ; in fleet of 1639, 269, 
280 n., 285 ; in fleet of 1640, 
288 ; in fleet of 1641, 291 n. ; 
refuses to surrender to the 
Parliament, 294 

Smiles, Samuel, xvi 

Smith, Captain Francis, in fleet 
of 1636. 235 

Smith, Captain John, governor 
of Virginia, quoted. II, 27- 
29 ; mentioned, 304 n. 

Smith, Captain J ohn, in service 
of Charles II. 305 

Smith, Mr. L. Pearsall, xv 

Smith, Thomas, secretary to 
the Earl of Northumberland, 
266, 268 

Smith, Captain William, in fleet 
of 1635, 231 

Somerset, soldiers billeted in, 

Somerset, Sir Thomas, at 
Santander, 112 

Soubise, Due de, 170 

Southampton, troops billeted 
in, 192 ; mentioned, 6, 108, 

Southsea, 197 


Sovereignty of the Seas, 
England's claim to, viii, 216, 
218, 219 n., 224, 227, 242, 
246, 291 ; Coke's instructions 
concerning, 228-30. See also 
Ship-money fleets 

Sowe, fishing-ground near Rye, 
illegal French fishing at, 77, 
90 ; Mainwaring's discourse 
on, 2168 ; importance of, 

Spain, journey of the Prince of 
Wales and Buckingham to, 
91-3 ; fleet to be fitted out 
for, 94 ; list of ships. 102 ; 
fleet leaves for, 109 ; fear of 
English navy, 133 ; peace 
signed with, 206 n. 

Spanish fleet, capture of 
Mamora by. 24-5 ; enters 
the Adriatic, 35-6 ; English 
fleet mobilised against a 
possible invasion of England 
by, 62-3 ; Mainwaring's 
suggestion to Buckingham 
concerning, 65-6 ; operations 
against Venice abandoned, 
67 ; battle with Dutch in 
the Downs, 1639, 275 et sqq. 

Spanish Plot, 1618, 35-48 

Spies, precautions against 
landing in England, 75 

Star Chamber, meetings of the 
Special Naval Commissions 
at, 149, 161 ; mentioned, 214 

Start, The. 276 

Stawell, Sir Edward, 318, 324 

Steward, Sir F., Captain of the 
St. George, 102 ; mentioned, 

Stewart, Captain Walter, 231 ; 
commands Victory in the 
fleet of 1636, 234 ; in fleet of 
. 254 




Stokes Bay, near Portsmouth, 
104, 109, 144, 170-1 

Stradling, Captain Henry, in 
fleet of 1635, 231 ; in fleet of 
1636, 235 ; in fleet of 1637, 
254, 256; in fleet of 1638, 
263 ; in fleet of 1639, 269, 
280 ., 285 ; in fleet of 

1640, 288 ; in fleet of 1641, 
291 n. 

Strafford, Earl of, 250-1, 258 
Strategy and tactics in 1636, 

Swanley, Captain Richard, in 

fleet of 1640 288 ; in fleet of 

1641, 291 n. 
Swanton, John, 285 
Sweden, Scottish trade with, 


Sydenham, Sir Francis, in Rh6 
expedition, 178 . ; im- 
presses seamen for Rochelle, 
1 88 ; commands Mary Rose 
in Rochelle expedition, 190, 
200 ; in fleet of 1635, 231 

TAYLOR, Captain, 200 

Temple, Sir Peter, 208 

Teredo Navalis, supposed exist- 
ence of, in Portsmouth har- 
bour, 141 

Thames, mentioned, 37, 137, 
159. 178 

Theobalds, 91, 133 

Thynne, Sir Henry, voyage to 
Persia, 8-9 

Tilbury. 167. 168, 182, 257 

Toledo, Don Pedro de, 24 

Torbay, 145, 259 

Totnes, Earl ol. on Special 
Naval Commission. 146 

Tower of London, 84 


Tower Hill, 197 

Tranckmore, Robert, 140 

Trenchfield, Captain Thomas, 
in fleet of 1637, 254 ; in fleet 
of 1638, 263 

Trevor, Sir John, on Special 
Naval Commission, 146 ; 
Surveyor of the Navy, 147 

Trevor, Sir Sackville, captain 
of the Defiance, 102 ; saves 
Prince Charles from drown- 
ing, 113 ; on Special Naval 
Commission, 146, 152 ; early 
career of, 147 ; mentioned, 

Trieste, 63 

Trinity House, xiv, 141, 182 ; 
survey of the Navy by, 221 ; 
list of ships drawn up by, 
223 ; Main waring elected 
Master, 294 ; duties of, 296- 
298 ; petition of John 
Browne to, 298 ; survey of 
the Navy by, 298 ; report on 
the Unicorn, 299-301 ; Par- 
liament requests a loan from, 
301 ; Main waring dismissed 
by the Parliament from, 
301-2 ; charter dissolved by 
Parliament, 302 

Tromp, Martin Harpertzoon, 
intercepts Spanish fleet in 
the Downs, 278 ; engagement 
with, 279-85 ; mentioned, 
286 n., 331 

Truro, 306, 308 

Tunis. Dey of. anxious to secure 
Mainwaring's services, 19 

Turner, Captain Robert, in fleet 
of 1636, 234 

Tutchen, Anthony, 301 

Tyburn, 116 

Tyne, The, 290 

Tynemouth, 242, 290 




UPNOR, 139 n. 

Ushant, 232 

Uxbridge, Treaty of, 305 

VALENTIA, Viscount, in Cadiz 

expedition, 142 
Van de Walle, Philip, 87 
Van Dorp, Admiral, 244, 256 
Van Galen, Captain, captures 
Dunkirk frigate, 239 ; note 
on, 239 M. 

Venice, Spanish plot against, 
xi, 35 ; Ossuna's fleet against, 
35 ; seek assistance of James 
I, 36 ; hire English mer- 
chantmen, 36 et sqq. ; Eng- 
lish squadron sails for, 44 ; 
discovery of Spanish plot, 45 ; 
Mainwaring leaves England 
for, 46 ; reaches Venice, 47 ; 
Ossuna's plans to capture, 
48 ; Mainwaring's scheme 
for supplying ships and sea- 
men for, 56 ; request the 
loan of English warships, 
57, 62 ; Mainwaring's sug- 
gestion regarding the Span- 
ish menace to. 65-6 ; grati- 
tude of, to James I, 67 ; 
thanks of the Republic to 
Sir H. Wotton and Main- 
waring, 68 ; mentioned, 94, 


Venice, Gulf of, 44, 63 

Vere, Lord, 298 

Verney, Sir Francis, turns 
pirate, 10 

Vespucci, Americo, account of 
Fernando do Noronha, 211 

Victualling, 107-8 ; of the fleet 
for Rhe\ 165-6 ; mismanage- 
ment of, 179-80 ; bad in 
the fleet of 1636, xv, 249 


Villaf ranca, pirates' base at, 25 
Virginia Company, 32, 76-7 

WAKE, Sir Baldwin, in fleet of 
1640, 288 ; in fleet of 1641, 
292 n. ; refuses to surrender 
to the Parliament, 294 ; 
accompanies Prince Charles 
to Jersey, 311 ; knighted, 


Wales, Prince of. See Charles I 
and Charles II 

Walker, Sir Edward, at the 
Hague, 333 

Wallace, Alexander, 271 

Walmer Castle, 327 

Walsingham, Captain, piracy 
of, 25 ; service in the Navy, 
25 n. 

Walton, Izaak, 209 

Ward, a pirate, 10 

Wardeman, Joachim, of Lu- 
beck, sells ship to Main- 
waring, 30 

Warren, Grffyn, 2 

Warwick, Earl of, appointed 
Lord High Admiral by Par- 
liament, 293-4 ' demands 
surrender of Jersey. 321 ; 
blockades revolted ships at 
Helvoetsluys, 329-31 ; men- 
tioned, 129, 175-6 

Waterford, 315 

Watermen's Hall, Masters of, 
166, 168 

Watts, Sir John, in Cadiz 
expedition, 142 ; on Special 
Naval Commission, 146, 152, 
159 ; early career of, 147 ; 
at Rochester, 150 ; in Rh6 
expedition, 170-1 

Weddell, John, in Rlie" expe- 
dition, 171, 173 ; in Roche lie 




expedition, 185, 191 ; 
account of, 187 n. ; in 
second Rochelle expedition, 
200. 202. 

Wells, John, keeper of Naval 
stores, examined by Special 
Commission, 154 ; pay due 
to, 155 

Wentworth, Lord, at Jersey, 
316-7 ; at the Hague, 333 

West Indies, 99 

Weymouth, 109, 231 

Wheeler, Captain Abraham, in 
fleet of 1638, 263 ; in fleet of 
1639, 269 ; in fleet of 1640, 
288 ; in fleet of 1641. 291 n. 

Whitbourne, Sir Richard, 
meets Mainwaring at New- 
foundland, 20 ; meets Eas- 
ton at Newfoundland, 20-2 

White, Peter, narrative of the 
engagement between the 
Spanish and Dutch fleets in 
the Downs, 1639, 277, 285 ; 
mentioned, 196, 238 

Whitehall, meeting of the 
Special Naval Commission 
at, 1 60 ; Council of War at, 
183 ; mentioned, 210 

Whiteing, Walter, master of 
the Prince Royal, 115 

Whitmore, Robert, prisoner at 
Dover Castle, 75-6 

Whitchurcb, i 

Wight, Isle of. troops billeted 
in, 165 ; Rochelle expedi- 
tion off, 193 ; mentioned, 
47, 108, 138, 285, 286 

Williams, Captain, commands 
fireship at Rochelle, 191 

Willoughby, Lord. See Lindsey, 
Earl of 

Wilmot, Viscount, commands 
reinforcements for Rh, 177 ; 


praises Mainwaring, 178 ; 
mentioned, 180, 333 

Wilsford, Captain, 98 

Wilsford. Sir Thomas, 125, 127 

Wimbledon, Viscount. See 
Cecil, Sir Edward 

Windebank, Sir Francis, Secre- 
tary of State, Mainwaring's 
letters to, 273-4 ; mentioned, 
271, 272 

Windsor, 99, 281 

Windsor, Lord, Rear-Admiral 
in the fleet of 1623, 102, 105, 
108, 116 

Wine ships, English, detained 
at Bordeaux, 162 

Wislade, William, 276 

Woking, 43 

Wolstenholme, Sir John, Com- 
missioner of the Navy, 182 

Wool ward, Captain Anthony, 
in fleet of 1638, 263 ; in fleet 
of 1639, 269, 280 n. ; in fleet 
of 1640, 288 

Woolwich, dockyard at, 136 ; 
survey of stores and ships 
at, 149; Charles I at, 219; 
Unicorn launched at, 299 ; 
mentioned, 32, 159, 167 

Wotton, Sir Henry, English 
Ambassador at Venice, 
audience with the Doge 
regarding Mainwaring, 47, 
49-50 ; account of Main- 
waring's early career, 50 ; 
entrusts Mainwaring with 
letters to James I and Lord 
Zouch, 58-60 ; opinion of 
Mainwaring, 60 ; suggests 
expedition against Algiers, 
63 ; Venetian thanks to, 
67-8 ; recommends Main- 
waring to Zouch, 70 ; visits 
Mainwaring at Dover, 77 ; 




sonnet to the Queen of 
Bohemia, 78 ; mentioned, 

56. 93 

Wotton, Lady, 77, 86, 

Wotton, Lord, 77, 86 ; account 
of, 86 n. 

Wreckage within the juris- 
diction of the Cinque Ports, 
Mainwaring's instructions 
concerning, 123-4 

YARDS, sizes, 136 

Yarmouth, 241 

Yarmouth Roads, Isle of Wight, 

179. 24^327 
York, Duk > of, 327 
York House, 116 
Young, Sir Richard, M.P. for 

Dover, 81, 124-5 ; unseated, 

126 ; re-elected, 127 ; finances 

Lord Zouch, 127-8 

ZAPATA, Cardinal, 113 

Zen, Venetian Ambassador at 
Savoy, 47 n. 

Zouch, Lord, Lord Warden of 
the Cinque Ports, detains 
ship belonging to Main- 
waring, 30 ; commissions 
Mainwaring to build him a 
pinnace, 32 ; entertains him 
at Dover, 33 ; Sir H. 
Wotton 's letter to, regarding 
Mainwaring, 60-1 ; appoints 


Mainwaring Lieutenant of 
Dover Castle, 70 ; Main- 
waring's thanks to, 70-1 ; 
Mainwaring's letter to, an- 
nouncing the arrival of 
Gondomar, 73 ; letter to, 
on sonnet of Sir H. Wotton, 
77-8 ; accuses Mainwaiing 
of neglecting his office, 96 ; 
requests him to resign, 96; 
Mainwaring's reply to, 97-8 ; 
dismisses Mainwaring, 100 ; 
Prince of Wales' letter to, 
regarding Mainwaring, 117; 
offers to vacate the Warden- 
ship, 117-8 ; illness of, 118 ; 
his report on Mainwaring, 
118 ; letter of the Prince of 
Wales to, 119; refuses to 
restore Mainwaring, 120 ; 
character of, 120 ; copy of 
the Seaman's Dictionary 
dedicated to, 121 ; his juris- 
diction as Lord Warden, 
1 2 1-2 ; Mainwaring's in- 
structions for the droit 
gatherers of the Cinque Ports, 
123-4 determines that 
Mainwaring shall not hold 
any office in the ports, 124 ; 
Dover election and, 125-7 
sells the wardenship to 
Buckingham, 128 ; death, 
129 n. i mentioned, 80-1, 90, 

93- 95 

Zouch, Sir Edward, 117 
Zowe. See So we 

Colchester, London & Eton, England